Wednesday, October 5, 2016

FRANCE: THE TICKING TIME BOMB OF ISLAMIZATION

http://sheikyermami.com/2016/10/france-the-ticking-time-bomb-of-islamization/



FRANCE: THE TICKING TIME BOMB OF ISLAMIZATION

sharia-france
  • The last group, defined as the “Ultras”, represent 28% of Muslims polled, and the most authoritarian profile. They say they prefer to live apart from Republican values. For them, Islamic values and Islamic law, or sharia, come first, before the common law of the Republic. They approve of polygamy and of wearing the niqab or the burqa.
  • “These 28% adhere to Islam in its most retrograde version, which has become for them a kind of identity. Islam is the mainstay of their revolt; and this revolt is embodied in an Islam of rupture, conspiracy theories and anti-Semitism,” according to Hamid el Karoui in an interview with Journal du Dimanche.
  • More importantly, these 28% exist predominantly among the young (50% are under 25). In other words, one out of every two young French Muslims is a Salafist of the most radical type, even if he does not belong to a mosque.
The way I see this, is that within one generation France will have  at least 5 million unemployable savages,  genocidal killer zombies who will wage jihad against the French.
  • It is unbelievable that the only tools at our disposal are inadequate opinion polls. Without knowledge, no political action — or any other action — is possible. It is a situation that immeasurably benefits aggressive political Islamists.
  • Willful blindness is the mother of the civil war to come — unless the French people choose to submit to Islam without a fight.
Recently, two important studies about French Muslims were released in France. The first one, optimistically entitled, “A French Islam is Possible,” was published under the auspices of Institut Montaigne, an independent French think tank.
Never in the 1400 years of Islamic conquest was there a kind of Islam that differed from the Islam of Muhammad, the Qu’ran and the sunna.The notion that there could be some kind of ‘French’ Islam, a ‘German’ Islam, or a European Islam is absurd.
The second study, entitled, “Work, the Company and the Religious Question,” is the fourth annual joint study between the Randstad Institute (a recruiting company) and the Observatory of Religious Experience at Work (Observatoire du fait religieux en entreprise, OFRE), a research company.
Both studies, filling a huge knowledge-deficit on religious and ethnic demography, were widely reported in the media. France is a country well-equipped with demographers, scholars, professors and research institutes, but any official data or statistics based on race, origin or religion are prohibited by law.
France has 66.6 million inhabitants, according to a report dated January 1, 2016 from the National Institute of Statistics (Insee). But census questionnaires prohibit any question about race, origin or religion. So in France, it is impossible to know how many Muslims, black people, white people, Catholics, Arabs, Jews, etc. live in the country.
This prohibition is based on an old and once-healthy principle to avoid any discrimination in a country where “assimilation” is the rule. Assimilation, French-style, means that any foreigner who wants to live in the country has to copy the behavioral code of local population and marry a native quickly. This assimilation model worked perfectly for people of Spanish, Portuguese or Polish descent. But with Arabs and Muslims, it stopped.
Now, however, despite all good intentions, the rule prohibiting collection of data that might lead to discrimination, has become a national security handicap.
When any group of people, outspokenly acting on the basis of their religion or ethnicity, begin violently fighting the fundamentals of the society where you live, it becomes necessary — in fact urgent — to know what religions and ethnicities these are, and how many people they represent.
The two studies in question, therefore, are not based on census data but on polls. The Institut Montaigne study, for example, writes that Muslims represent 5.6% of the metropolitan population of France, or exactly three million. However, Michèle Tribalat, a demographer specializing in immigration problems, wrote that the five million mark had been crossed in around 2014. The Pew Research Center estimated the Muslim population in France in mid-2010 to be 4.7 million. Other scholars, such as Azouz Begag, former Minister of Equality (he left the government in 2007) estimates the number of Muslims in France to be closer to 15 million.

Institut Montaigne Study: The Secession of French Muslims

The study by Institut Montaigne, released on September 18, is based on a poll conducted by Ifop (French Institute of Public Opinion), which surveyed 1,029 Muslims. The author of the study is Hakim el Karoui, a consultant who was an adviser to then Prime Minister Jean-Pierre Raffarin (2002-2005).
Three main Muslim profiles were highlighted:
First were the so-called “secular” (46%). These people said they were “totally secular, even when religion occupies an important place in their lives.” Although they claim to be secular, many of them also belong to the group that favors all Muslim women wearing a hijab (58% of men and 70% of women). They also overlap with the group (60%) that supports wearing a hijab at school, although the hijab has been prohibited in schools since 2004. Many of these “seculars” also belong to the 70% of Muslims who “always” buy halal meat (only 6% never buy it). According to the study, wearing a hijab and eating only halal meat are considered by Muslims themselves as significant “markers” of Muslim identity.
A second group of Muslims, the “Islamic Pride Group” represent a quarter (25%) of the roughly thousand people polled. They defined themselves primarily as Muslims and claim their right to observe their faith (mainly reduced to hijab and halal) in public. They reject, however, the niqaband polygamy. They say they respect secularism and the laws of the Republic, but most of them say they do not accept prohibiting the hijab at school.
The last group, defined as the “Ultras”, represent 28% of those polled, and the most authoritarian profile. They say they prefer to live apart from Republican values. For them, Islamic values and Islamic law, or sharia, come first, before the common law of the Republic. They approve of polygamy and of wearing the niqab or the burqa.
“These 28% adhere to Islam in its most retrograde version, which has become for them a kind of identity. Islam is the mainstay of their revolt; and this revolt is embodied in an Islam of rupture, conspiracy theories and anti-Semitism,” according to Hamid el Karoui in an interview with Journal du Dimanche.
Hamid el Karoui, speaking of the opinions of French Muslims in an interview with Journal du Dimanche, said: “These 28% adhere to Islam in its most retrograde version, which has become for them a kind of identity. Islam is the mainstay of their revolt; and this revolt is embodied in an Islam of rupture, conspiracy theories and anti-Semitism.”
More importantly, these 28% exist predominantly among the young (50% are under 25). In other words, one out of every two young French Muslims is a Salafist of the most radical type, even if he does not belong to a mosque.
The question is: how many will they be in five years, ten years, twenty years? It is important to ask, because polls always present a point in time, a freeze-frame of a situation. When we know that the veil and halal food restrictions are imposed on the whole family by “big brothers,” we have to understand that a process is taking place, a secession process due to the re-Islamization of the whole Muslim community by the young.
Journalist and author Elisabeth Schemla wrote in Le Figaro:
To understand what re-Islamization means a definition of Islamism must be given. The most accurate is the definition given by one of his very fervent supporters, State Advisor Thierry Tuot, one of three judges chosen this summer to decide not to ban the burkini at the beach (…). Islamism, he writes, is the “public claim of a social behavior presented as a divine requirement and bursting into the public and political arena.” In light of this definition, the Al Karoui report shows that Islamism is unalterably spreading.

Islam at Work; Islamism on the Move

This ticking time bomb is silently working… at work.
A poll, conducted between April and June 2016 by the Randstad Institute and Observatory of the Religious Experience at Work (OFRE), surveying 1,405 managers in different companies, revealed that two managers out of every three (65%) were reporting that “religious behavior” is a regular manifestation in the workplace — up from 50% in 2015.
Professor Lyonel Honoré, Director of OFRE and author of the study, recognizes quietly that “in 95% of cases,” the “religious behavior at work is related to Muslims.”
To understand the importance of this “visible Islam” in French factories and offices today, we have to know that traditionally, the workplace was considered neutral space. The law did not prohibit any type of religious or political expression in the workplace, but by tradition, employees and employers considered that restraint must be shown by all in exercising their freedom of belief.
The 2016 Ranstad study shows that this old tradition is over. Religious symbols are proliferating in the workplace, and 95% of these visible symbols are Islamic. Overt expressions and symbols of Christianity or Judaism at work do exist, of course, but are minimal compared to Islam.
The survey considered two types of the expression of religious beliefs:
  1. Personal practices, such as the right to be missing for religious holidays, flexible working hours, the right to pray during work breaks, and the right to wear symbols of religious belief.
  2. Disturbances at work or breaches of rules, such as the refusal of men to work with a woman or take orders from a female manager, refusal to work with people who are not co-religionists, refusal to perform specific tasks, and proselytizing during work time.
“In 2016,” states the survey, “the wearing of religious symbols [hijab] became the top expression of religious belief (21% of cases, up from 17% in 2015 and 10% in 2014). The request to be absent because of religious holidays remains stable (18%) but now ranks in second place.”
Under “disturbances at work”, this politically correct study notes that conflicts between employee and employer on religious grounds are few: a “minority event” and “only” 9% of religious disturbances in 2016. But figures for conflicts have nevertheless risen by 50%, up from 6% in 2015. Conflicts have also tripled since 2014 (3%) and nearly quintupled since 2013 (2%).
Eric Manca, a lawyer in the law firm August & Debouzy who specializes in labor law and was assisting at the press conference, said that when a conflict on religious ground turns to litigation, “it is always a problem with Islam. Christians and Jews never turn to the court against their employer because of religion.” When Islamists sue their employer, jurisprudence shows that the accusation is always based on “racism”, and “discrimination” — charges that can only make employers regret having hired them in the first place.
Sources of conflict listed include proselytizing (6%), and refusing to perform tasks (6%) — for instance, a delivery man declining to deliver alcohol to customers; refusing to work with a woman or under the direction of a woman (5%), and requesting to work only with Muslims (1%). These cases are concentrated in business sectors “such as automotive suppliers, construction, waste processing, supermarkets… and are located in peri-urban regions.”

Conclusions

The French model of assimilation is over. As noted, it worked for everyone except French Muslims; and public schools seem unable today to transmit republican values, especially among young Muslims. According to Hakim el Karoui:
“Muslims of France are living in the heart of multiple crises. Syria, of course, which shakes the spirit. But also the transformation of Arab societies where women take a new place: female students outnumber male students, girls are better educated than their fathers. Religion, in its authoritarian version, is a weapon of reaction against these evolutions. …. And finally, there is the social crisis: Muslims, two-thirds of child laborers and employees, are the first victims of deindustrialization.”
Islamization is growing everywhere. In city centers, most Arab women wear a veil, and in the suburbs, burqas and niqabs are increasingly common. At work, where non-religious behavior was usually the rule, managers try to learn how to deal with Islamist demands. In big corporations, such as Orange (telecom), a “director of diversity” was appointed to manage demands and conflicts. In small companies, managers are in disarray. Conflicts and litigation are escalating.
Silence of the politicians. Despite the wide media coverage around these two studies, an astounding silence was the only thing heard from politicians. This is disturbing because Institut Montaigne’s study also included some proposals to build an “Islam of France,” such as putting an end to foreign funding of mosques, and local training religious and civil leaders. Other ideas, such as teaching Arabic in secular schools “to prevent parents from sending their children in Koranic schools” are quite strange because they would perpetuate the failed strategy of integrating Islamism through institutions. Young French Muslims, even those born in France, have difficulty speaking and writing proper French. That is why they need to speak and write French correctly before anything else.
These two studies, although a start, are staggeringly insufficient. Politicians, journalists, and every citizen needs to learn more about Islam, its tenets and its goals in the country. It is unbelievable that the only tools at our disposal are inadequate opinion polls. Without knowledge, no political action — or any other action — is possible. It is a situation that immeasurably benefits aggressive political Islamists.
Without more knowledge, the denial of Islamization, and an immobility in addressing it, will continue. Willful blindness is the mother of the civil war to come — unless the people and their politicians choose to submit to Islam without a fight.
Yves Mamou, based in France, worked for two decades as a journalist for Le Monde.


ONE THOUGHT ON “FRANCE: THE TICKING TIME BOMB OF ISLAMIZATION”

  1. Suicidal masochism and a “jonesy-qua” attitude (i.e: typical liberal “who am I to say I know anything?”) stance of non-compus-mentis has been the Frog Way since the first crusades at least.
    Their reputation as wino “cheese-eating surrender-monkeys” is well-deserved, and they’ve always been traitors to rationality and civilization.
    They not only returned from the crusades after having converted to islam to save their own skins, they brought back their swarthy concubines and muslim kids, too.
    Then they actually invited the Turkish forces into Europe to help them fight their rivals in the Austro-Hungarian empire, because they were too pussy to handle it on their own.
    Now finally their bad habits are all coming back to bite them in the ass, and it’s a well-deserved fate even though it has serious repercussions for the rest of us, too.

Monday, October 3, 2016

Ex-ruling classes, Marathas, Muslims, still want OBC tag - By Manoj R Nair, Hindustan Times, Mumbai | Updated: Oct 02, 2016



HINDUSTAN TIMES

Ex-ruling classes, Marathas, Muslims, still want OBC tag



  • Manoj R Nair, Hindustan Times, Mumbai
  •  |  
Marathas carry out a silent rally from Kharghar to Konkan Bhavan in Navi Mumbai on September 21. (Bachchan Kumar/HT)

Two major groups in Maharashtra are agitating for quota in government jobs and educational institutions. The Marathas constitute a third – in the absence of a caste census the numbers are an estimate – of the state’s population while the Muslims are about a ninth.
There are several similarities in the two groups. Muslim and Maratha dynasties had, between them, ruled over the territory that is now Maharashtra for more than seven centuries. These communities are not homogenous: among Muslims there are sects and groups identified by their occupation, language and origins. Marathas also have various sub-castes and some groups in these communities already access reservations as Other Backward Classes (OBC). While both groups are demanding reservation of some kind, their demands have not been clearly laid out.
Though they want a quota in both government jobs and education, Muslim groups are currently pursuing a demand for 5% reservation in educational institutions that the Bombay high court has allowed. The court had rejected a demand for a quota in jobs. “We are only asking for what the courts have approved. The government of Maharashtra should allow Muslim students to get reserved seats,” said Dr Moinuddin Raut of the Muslim Kranti Andolan which has been holding meetings to raise public support for the demand. “We cannot expect the government in power, which has ignored the court’s approval for reservation in educational institutions, to even discuss job quota.”
The Marathas, who have been holding large ‘silent rallies’ across the state, are also demanding changes in the Scheduled Caste and Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act 1989 – a legislation created as part of the affirmative action programme – to prevent its misuse. They have said the legislation is used as a tool to harass upper castes with false cases, though newspaper reports have said there has been no increase in the number of criminal cases filed under the law.
One of the principles that guide the national policy of reserving jobs in public services, public representative bodies and educational institutions is social discrimination and the lack of political power. The country’s affirmative action programme covers groups now classified as scheduled castes, scheduled tribes, OBC, nomadic tribes and several other categories. Can these two groups, which enjoyed historical advantages, claim that they were socially and politically disadvantaged?
The Maratha Kranti Morcha – the group leading the protests – agrees that the caste has a stronghold in the state. A majority of the state’s chief ministers were from the caste and the main agricultural community in the state – the Kunbis – is part of the community. While they agree that they have enjoyed political power and economic success, in the form of sugar and finance co-operatives, they have said the majority needs government jobs and educational reservations to prosper. The Maratha Kranti Morcha agrees that since the caste has enjoyed historical benefits, it will not be possible for them to claim a “backward’ tag. Inclusion of the entire group in the OBC category would anger the Kunbis subgroup that already has access to some reservation. The quota will also eat in the share of the other OBCs. Creation of another category of quota will be difficult as it will require a constitutional amendment.
While Maratha kings ruled the state between the 17th and 19th centuries, Muslim kings from the north came to the Deccan in 14th century, displacing Yadav rulers. They were supplanted by local sultanates and later by Maratha kings who held power till the 19th century. Can they claim to be politically disadvantaged historically? Muslims have an argument that is similar to the Marathas’.
“It was Muslim dynasties that ruled the state. Their rule did not help every Muslim,” said Raut. “Three different committees – the Rajinder Sachar, Mehmood-ur-Rehman and Ranganath Mishra – have said that the community is backward and needs help. Muslims are now economically and educationally backward than OBCs who have benefited from decades of quotas. We want a similar opportunity.”
---
My comments:

Singular credit should be given to Hindustan Times, for picking up Muslims and projecting them as old ruling class, together with Marathas. To pick up Shivaji and Mughals as old ruling dynasties and spread the misinformation that both these communities had prospered anytime in the past centuries, especially under British rule, to be now ineligible for any positive and affirmative reservations in jobs and education, is a travesty of fact, as the report itself mentions about several commissions, especially relating to Muslim conditions being even worse than that of the present status of Dalit. Besides, Muslims are not as organised as Marathas led by political groups like Maratha leader Sharad Pawar and their cause for reservation is orchestrated by those that never bothered about them when they were in power. They are therefore never consider by the Muslim masses as sincere and their well-wishers. New organisation are formed by vested interests to fool Muslims, or they would not have limited Muslim reservation demand for only in education and not in jobs. Crores in State Budget is spend on governance but Muslims are deliberately kept out of Government jobs. There are no organised Muslim leadership that could take up the matter through judiciary, rather than street demonstrations, that can further alienate Muslims from other contenders for reservation.

Ghulam Muhammed,
Mumbai

Tuesday, September 27, 2016

Muslim Ulema and India’s freedom struggle

Muslim Ulema and India’s freedom struggle: By Aazeen Kirmani The freedom which we attained on 15th August 1947 was result of a long struggle which involved contributions and sacrifices of men and women of all classes and communities of Indi...

Sunday, September 25, 2016

Why Bijnor communal villainy did not spread - By Saeed Naqvi

Why Bijnor communal villainy did not spread

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Heavy police deployment at Peda village in Bijnor after the communal tension (Photo credit – DNA – Manit)
By Saeed Naqvi,
I had the Muzaffarnagar riots of February 2013 at the back of my mind when I drove towards Pedda village on the Bijnor-Najibabad Road where three Muslims had been shot dead by Jats who fired with guns and pistols from the terraces of their homes.
Trouble began when two Muslim girls were harassed at the bus stop. When their men folk protested, the economically stronger Jats decided to teach them a lesson.
Muslims in Pedda have for generations been “dhobis” or washermen. In Sir Saiyyad Ahamd Khan’s framework, these are “arzals” or “menials”. Above them in the caste/class hierarchy are “Ajlafs”, weavers, and “Ashraf”, the genteel lot, the ones for whom the Aligarh Muslim University was initially opened.
That Yasmeen and Farheen are college-going girls is not a negligible detail: it is a glimmer of hope in a picture of unrelieved gloom which envelopes the community. Jats are prosperous farmers but socially static on issues like gender and are still bound by Khaps. The man-woman population ratio is eerily adversarial to women. In the Muslim hovel, there is economic want, not social regression.
Arrogance of economic power bristles at the sight of the lowest strata crawling upwards. This explains some of the accelerated violence against Dalits and Muslims. Caste and communal prejudice converge in such instances.
The gram pradhan or village head of Pedda, Anis Ahmad, is a short, dark man with a well trimmed beard and a mandatory skull cap, headgear which defines all Muslims from Madrasas. He has gone through the drill at the Deoband seminary, a stint as a tailor in Kuwait and now a dress designer (believe it or not) for “fashion shows”. He is not free of the usual Mullah hypocrisy: “I don’t touch female bodies; I tailor clothes for mannequins.”
With the advent of washing machines, Muslim washermen in villages like Pedda have diversified as tailors, barbers, fruit and vegetable sellers, automobile mechanics, handy men of all sorts.
The Pradhan takes me into the house where three men were shot dead on the terrace of their home. Below, in a dark verandah, women wail.
Outside, across the lane, is the fortified house of Pedda’s most powerful Jat, Sansar Singh. He hid in another village five kilometres away, but has since been arrested along with eight others involved in organising the violence.
A dozen or so policemen are snoozing outside Sansar Singh’s house, their weapons on their laps. This is the scene outside every Jat house in the lane up to the highway where a large number of policemen keep vigil.
“Look,” Anis Ahmad points his finger, “they are protecting only Jat houses.”
At Bijnor’s police headquarters, Superintendent of Police (Rural) Dharam Veer Singh thumps his table gently. “Yes, we are protecting Jat houses. If police were not posted as a deterrent, angry Muslims may retaliate against Jat women and children.”
Theoretically, Singh has a point but do Muslims in their current state of demoralisation ever retaliate? The two local journalists, Naresh Sharma of Swatantra Awaz and Jalil Ahmad of a local TV channel, India Voice, are crouching on Singh’s table, symbols of watchfulness.
Singh smiles: “Please give the police some credit for having prevented riots from spreading.”
Why did these riots not spread?
He cites geography as a roadblock to communalism. “The Ganga flows between Meerut, Muzaffarnagar and Bijnor — the communal wave that overwhelmed areas the other side of the Ganga some years ago weakens crossing the river.” There are other reasons for weakened communalism in Bijnor.
BJP President Amit Shah’s very determined presence in Muzaffarnagar and Shamli three years ago made the difference. Trumped-up stories of “love jihad”; fake video from Pakistan’s northwest circulated as Jats being lynched by Muslims; Maha Panchayats of weapon-wielding mobs and Amit Shah’s famous refrain, “Yeh badley ka election hai” (We go into this election to seek revenge) — all augmented the incendiary atmosphere. Today, there is saffron in the air, true, but not murderous saffronisation.
In Bijnor, Muslims as well as the administration (even some Jats) have praised the local MLA, Ruchi Veera of the Samajwadi party, who was present in the village round-the-clock for the duration of tension. In fact, she was able to extract Rs 20 lakh from the government in Lucknow by way of relief within days of the violence. Assessments of damage are being made for more.
District Magistrate Jagat Raj is flanked by City Superintendent of Police M.M. Baig and Senior Superintendent of Police Umesh Kumar Srivastava to address about 60 print and TV journalists around a giant oblong table. Seldom have I heard media being so lavishly thanked for having exercised restraint.
On my return, when I cross the barrage on the Ganga, I remember SP Dharam Veer Singh’s words: rivers block communal waves. Before reaching Meerut, I see road signs to Muzaffarangar. I have horrible memories of that pogrom. Past Meerut is Maliana, the site of the notorious 1987 massacre. The police had separated 42 Muslim young men, lined them up by the nearby canal and shot them.
P. Chidambaram was Rajiv Gandhi’s Minister of State for Home. He knows that incident like the back of his hand. He is now a columnist. May be some day he will give us the inside story on why the case drags on into its 29th year? Approaching Ghaziabad, I see signs to Dadri where in September 2015 Mohammad Akhlaq was lynched by cow protection vigilantes. His family is still implicated in unproved charges.
As lights of Delhi shimmer, the villainy of Pedda recedes. Nastier memories surface.
(A senior commentator on political and diplomatic affairs, Saeed Naqvi can be reached on saeednaqvi@hotmail.com. The views expressed are personal.)—IANS