Monday, June 30, 2014

Sai Baba Controversy: Shankaracharya should also speak on many other Hindu sects influenced by Islam and Muslims - By Abdul Rashid Agawan - Muslim Mirror

Muslim Mirror

sects influenced by Islam and Muslims

Sai Baba Controversy: Shankaracharya should also speak on many other Hindu sects influenced by Islam and Muslims


By Abdul Rashid Agwan, MM News,

Dwarakapeeth Shankaracharya Swami Swaroopanand is in the whirlwind of controversy by calling Hindus to refrain from Shirdi ke Sai Baba as he was a ‘Muslim Fakir’. He denounced that the cult of Sai Baba has become so much popular among Hindus that the total income of the Sai temple is nearing that of Tirupati temple. He also blamed that Sai Baba was said to be disinclined to take bath in Ganga River, a sign that he was not conforming to the Hindu beliefs. According to him, Sai Baba was non-vegetarian and hence cannot be revered by Hindus. He also blamed that Sai Baba was a product of the British design to divide Hindus.


imagesDwarakapeeth Shankaracharya Swami Swaroopanand


happened to visit Sai Mandir at Lodhi Colony, New Delhi in 1987 where we used to put a book stall of Islamic literature on every Thursday for the benefit of devotees coming over there. I saw at that time that there were no idols in the ground floor of the two-storied temple building and a clean green velvet sheet could be seen on a platform where devotees used to offer rose petals by scattering them on the sheet.  A kind of sweet called Sinni, typical of any Muslim Dargah, was distributed by the devotees who happened to pay homage at the ground floor to other devotees. At the upper story there was a typical Hindu section full of idols of Hindu pantheon along with an idol of Sai Baba himself.  Hindu rituals were practiced there during the worship of Sai Baba. Thus, Sai Temple at Lodhi Road seemed to me a curious example of mixed spirituality.

One strange incident happened there. After our earnest experiment on the site for the introduction of Islam to the thronging visitors for 2-3 Thursdays, some of the Hindu venders, selling various items of worship outside the temple, complaint to the management of the temple against selling of Islamic books there. A policeman along with a Pujari came and objected the presence of our stall. Just when I was arguing with them, a gentleman coming from outside interrupted. I saw the Pujari saluting him. The gentleman, we came to know during our talk that he was from Kanpur, heard our appeal and allowed us to continue our work and told that his father was in the top hierarchy of the temple management and he could be contacted if any one objects our initiative further. However, we could not continue our strange experiment in interfaith interaction any more, being unwanted there.

This reminiscence gives a distinct view regarding the Sai cult. May be it originated from a Muslim saint and preserved many features of Sufi traditions but it has fallen in total control of Hindu devotees who worship Sai Baba along with other Hindu deities; however, many of these devotees do not have any aversion against Islam and Muslims. 

Shankaracharya’s information that Muslims do not form part of the devotees of Sai Baba is only partially true as many Muslims could be seen visiting Sai temples in Delhi, Shirdi and other places but definitely their visibility is much less.

However, it looks strange why the Shankaracharya raised the issue at the present time and while rejecting a large group of Hindu devotees to be Sanatani Hindus?  His media reported comparison of the incomes of Tirupati Balaji Temple with Shridi Sai Temple may be taken as a clue.

Shirdi Saibaba Sansthan Trust has recorded Rs 1441 crore of income during five years ending in 2013, with 22 per cent higher donations received every year, whereas the current budget of Tirupati Devsthanam reached Rs 2400 crore this year. The annual income of Veshno Devi temple is considered to be around Rs 500 crore. The most revered shrines of Kedarnath and Badrinath respectively score incomes of Rs 10 crore and 5 crore a year.  

Jagannath Mandir’s income stands lower than Rs 150 crore. Thus, it is only the Shridi Sai Baba temple, which is competing with the richest deity in the country, Balaji of Tirupati.

It is reported that about 20,000 devotees used to visit the Saibaba’s shrine daily some five years back, but the present figures show that around 60,000 people come to visit the temple everyday and the number goes up to about one lakh on weekends. In terms of devotees, Sai Baba of Shirdi has overtaken the Balaji of Tirupati which is thronged by 50,000 pilgrims a day.

The Shankaracharya’s opinion that Sai Baba of Shirdi is coming in the way of Ayodhya movement may be substantiated from the fact that only 7000-8000 pilgrims visit Ayodhya per day as compared to eight times more visitors per day to Shirdi and all efforts to make Ayodhya acquire religious eminence among Hindus have so far failed.

The controversy has inadvertently brought Islam and Muslims into the debate. Sai Baba of Shirdi preached monotheism by inculcating that “Lord of all the people is One”. He spread his precepts from a small mosque in Shirdi village of the time, called by him as Dwarkamai Masjid. Such an approach instill a tolerant tendency among Hindus as regards other persuasions.

Sai Baba is not a single example of Muslim saints’ influence on the Hindu society. There are instances of many Sufi saints whom mainly Muslims revere but they also receive devotion of many Hindus. The typical example of the shrine of Hazrat Moinuddin Chishti at Ajmer may be considered here. Shirdi gives a reverse view wherein Hindus are the main devotees and Muslims are lesser in number. However, the Balaji Temple of Tirupati, many Rama temples of Ayodhya, Veshno Devi of Katra, Jagannath temple of Puri, Kedarnath-Badrinath temples, Kashi Vishvanath temple of Varanasi, etc enjoy exclusive devotion of Hindus.

Kabir Panth is a typical sect now pursued only by Hindus, although all the modern objective studies depict Kabir as a discrete Islamic preacher. Kabir’s preaching illuminated the way of many great saints of medieval time such as Guru Nanak. In a way the entire Bhakti movement echoes of Muslim influence under the waves of teachings of Kutban, Manjhan, Jayasi, Abdur Rahim Khankhana, Ras Khan, Dadu and many others. Raja Ram Mohan Roy formed Brahmo Samaj by synthesizing teachings of Islam, Christianity and Hinduism. Ram Krishna Paramhans is known for his appreciation for Islam. The modern maestros as Shri Ram Sharma, the founder of Gayatri Pariwar movement and J. Krishnamurti founder of another Hindu movement are said to be the descendants of lesser known chains of Muslim saints.

By raising a controversy on the increasing devotion of Hindus on Sai Baba of Shirdi, the Shankaracharya of Dwarka has only negated the whole legacy of Bhakti movement. His attempt to discredit any meaningful movement among Hindus having inclination towards a Muslim saint reveals the increasing intolerance among some sections of the country and also the frustration on the declining support for the Ayodhya movement in spite of all recent efforts by Hindu organizations.

The Shankaracharya blames the followers of Sai Baba cult for dividing the Hindu society but his own attempt to create an issue out of a non-issue may lead to this divide in an unimagined way. Already members of Ramakrishna Mission have declared themselves as non-Hindus. If the present controversy goes on unabated then the adherents of Sai Baba may also follow suit.


[The contributor is a known interfaith activist and an author of many books including his recent rendering “Islam in 21st Century: The Dynamics of Change and Future-making”. He may be contacted on agwan@rediffmail.com]

PIL for Uniform Civil Code: Delhi High Court roots for religious pluralism - By Saurav Datta - DNA

http://www.dnaindia.com/analysis/standpoint-pil-for-uniform-civil-code-delhi-high-court-roots-for-religious-pluralism-1997836

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PIL for Uniform Civil Code: Delhi High Court roots for religious pluralism

Wednesday, 25 June 2014 - 7:49pm IST | Agency: DNA








On 28 May this year, a bench of the Delhi High Court dismissed a PIL which urged the Court to direct the state to enact a Uniform Civil Code (UCC). In its judgement, the Court harped upon the need not to act upon considerations of expediency or on the basis of reformist zeal to remedy what the judges felt are flaws in the religious laws of different communities. Rather, gradual changes and granting agency to the particular community is an indispensable part of the rule of law in a pluralist, democratic and secular society. Democracy and secularism are catechisms of the court’s jurisprudence, but the emphasis on pluralism was indeed a rare occurrence. 

For it has always been the reverse. In the matter of personal laws, the court’s uneasiness with legal pluralism has always been evident. In the contest between legal universalism, and especially in numerous cases regarding the UCC, judges have always sided with the latter. Not only that, in matters of Muslim personal law, a strain of Islamophobia has always lurked behind the courts’ ostensibly altruistic motivations and reformist zeal. 

The Shah Bano case, in which Justice Chandrachud criticised disparate loyalties to personal laws having conflicting ideologies with those of the majority’s Hindu law and slammed the state for lacking political courage to enforce reform, stands out as the most infamous. 

Justice Badar Durrez Ahmed’s critique of the Shah Bano judgement is telling. “The honourable Judges of the Supreme Court are men of great learning and legal acumen however they do not possess a complete knowledge of Arabic, of the Qur’an, the hadis and amal of the companions of the Prophet. The Supreme Court in its role of a qazi can certainly apply the Shariat. It cannot however change it or interpret the Qur’an on its own. … What the Supreme Court has done is to have expressed its ‘ra’y’ or private opinion or interpretation of the Aiyats. This is highly arbitrary and extremely dangerous. If this is permitted then the entire Shariat, nay, even the meaning of the Qur’an could be twisted. It is this act of the Supreme Court that has caused such a stir amongst the Muslims of India.” (emphasis supplied).

But these sagacious words were lost on the judiciary, many of whose members have played the role of what is commonly criticised as theologians in robes. There have been more egregious instances than Shah Bano. The sheer contempt for religious plurality and diversity, and the majoritarian strand of making the personal laws a sort of Tebbit Test visible in some judgements have contributed in no small measure to the onslaught against secularism. 

On 27 August 1947, Vallabhbhai Patel, speaking in the Constituent Assembly, minced no words in condemning those demanding separate electorates for the purpose of representation- they have no place in India and must go to Pakistan, he said. These judgements though not as strident, do no less.

One of the most notorious of cases is Rahmatullah and Khatoon Nisa (1994). The Allahabad High Court’s Justice Hari Nath Tilhari, in what was a dispute over an interpretation of the UP Land Ceiling Act, thought it fit to pronounce on the constitutional validity of triple talaq. The UP law in question was heavily loaded in favour of men, as most land ceiling legislations are, but Justice Tilhari’s profound concern for gender justice was limited to Muslim women only. It could have been a sort of a fig leaf if only he had relied upon theology instead of a random assortment of romantic couplets and novels. Not surprising, because immediately after the demolition of the Babri Masjid, the same judge allowed public worship of the Ram idols in the makeshift temple at the site on the ground that the revered god of the Hindus was a “constitutional identity”. 

The Sarla Mudgal (1995) was another case in point. It was a case challenging the practice of Hindu men converting to Islam to circumvent the criminal law of bigamy. Holding that the UCC was imperative "both for the protection of the oppressed and promotion of national unity and solidarity”, Justice Sahai directed the government to bring in the legislation without dragging its feet. 

When the court dons the mantle of protecting the oppressed in such cases, it snatches away a community’s agency- treating it as incapable of handling its own matters. Worse, making the promotion of national unity and solidarity contingent upon the UCC militates against every tenet of secular jurisprudence and governance. The naked communalism was on display in the very next pronouncement: "Those who preferred to remain in India after the Partition fully knew that the Indian leaders did not believe in the two-nation or three-nation theory. They were also aware that in the Indian Republic there was to be only one nation- the Indian Nation.” One would have to tilt at windmills in order to defend Justice Sahai if he is accused of espousing the cause of religious nationalism or the ‘Hindu Rashtra”, in simpler and more recognisable terms. 
 
In the immediate present, when the demands for “uniformity” get shriller, the onslaught against “minority status” gathers steam and when “Hindu Nationalism” is worn as a badge of honour by the country’s Prime Minister, the Delhi High Court sets a fine example for both India’s judiciary and polity.