Hindutva chickens coming home to roost By Ghulam Muhammed

Hindutva chickens coming home to roost

Those who are regular Indian Express readers, will not have missed Lord Meghnad Desai's Sunday column. Nobody can miss his soft corner for Hindutva, BJP and RSS. It was always an enigma, as to how a learned personage like Lord Desai, could find comfort with the fascist fundamentals of the Sangh Parivar. It is heartening that RSS Sarsanghchalak's ambitious slip to see a Hindutvadi of Modi's genre becoming a Prime Minister of a secular, democratic, pluralistic India, had at last stirred Lord Meghnad's intellect and he could see the historical perspective that clearly conjures up the dire consequences for the integrity of India, if even by default its governance falls into the hands of hardline extremists like Advani and Modi. They by nature are not fit to rule a multicultural, multi-religious, multi-ethnic, multi-regional, multi-linguist society that India is holding up as a nation. Lord Meghnad has given a clarion call and one hopes others will grasp the full impact of his historical reasoning to be cautious about RSS moves.

Ghulam Muhammed, Mumbai
<ghulammuhammed3@gmail.com>
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http://www.indianexpress.com/news/hind-hindi-hindu-hindutva/968792/0

Hind, Hindi, Hindu, Hindutva

Meghnad Desai : Sun Jul 01 2012, 00:11 hrs

As children in the 1940s, we used to sing, ‘Hindi hai hum chalis karod’. The 400 million population of the 1940s thought of themselves as Hindi, belonging to Hind. Subhash Chandra Bose in Germany established a radio station and his slogan was Jai Hind. This is the slogan prime ministers shout from the Red Fort on Independence Day.

Bharat is another entity altogether. That is post-Partition and is in the Constitution perhaps to assuage some feeling that India should have a link with the glorious days of the Indo-Aryans. But Bharatvarsha was never all of India; at best it was Punjab, Haryana and Delhi. You could stretch it to include UP and Bihar but Bengal (Gaud) was never part of it, to say nothing about Dakshin, all the land south of the Vindhyas.

Even so, choosing Bharat was a display of a worry about the idea of calling the newly independent country Hindustan or even Hind. There was a claim that the word Hindu and Hinduism were Persian in origin and hence, by implication, Muslim and alien. This was an anachronism since the Persian language which formed the word Hind was Indo-Iranian, a branch of the Indo-European from which one arc came to India composing the Vedas. 

Hind is just Sindh and Hindu Sindhu. Calling India Hind rather than Bharat would have been quite alright. Hindus were just the people who lived in the land of the Indus. 

Savarkar’s essay on Hindutva is very defensive about the word Hindu and Hindutva. His concern is about denying any alien origins of the word Hindu. He was looking for an overarching identity for all Indians (pre-Partition) and chose Hindu rather than Hindi. This was sad for a simple reason. The word Hindu was given a religious connotation by the British Census investigators. Nineteenth century British were enamoured of classification and measurement and definitions. Traditionally sceptical of such things, they embraced science, as they understood it, with unwise enthusiasm. They had to have categories for classifying their subjects. Hinduism became the label for the religion of the majority. Any self-respecting traditionalist would have spat at the word since Brahmanism is the better word or if you like, sanatan dharma.

Before the British arrived, Muslims were known as people adhering to Islam. There was no such single word for the adherents of Brahmanism. Hindu then was contrasted with Muslims as a separate entity thanks to British enthusiasm for labelling and their impatience with subtleties of any religion which was not monotheistic. Brahmanism has never been a single religion of the Abrahamic type with a Church, a clergy and liturgy. It is a multi-splendoured festival of belief in many Gods and Goddesses, many sects and open doors.

By using the label Hindutva fifty years after the British had falsely labelled the religion of the majority, Savarkar muddied the waters. Hinditva would have been much better. But he had an ideological reason for using the word he did. Whatever his protestations and those of his followers, the word was a deliberate provocation since by implication the religious connotation was carried across into the national identity. Those who were not Hindu by religion had to sign up to Hindutva because that was where they were born. If this was provocative before 1947, it became murderous after Partition.

The very idea that a nation has to have single people is a European invention. It was used to launch movements in many regions of the Austro-Hungarian Empire to break it up. The Empire was a multi-national tolerant entity just as its rival the Ottoman Empire was. States could easily contain communities differing by language and religion. The First World War broke up the two empires. Many nations were born, some such as Palestine still waiting to become nation states. There was no reason for Indians to fall for this European disease; after all, the mother country, Great Britain, was a mélange of many nationalities—Welsh, Scottish, Irish, Cornish and English.

Mohan Bhagwat has asserted that the next Prime Minister should be a champion of Hindutva. I wish he had said Hinditva. We have had enough murders wearing false labels. 

Even after 65 years of Independence, the nation is still fragile. 

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Whistleblower warrior - By Whistleblower warrior Kim Arora, TNN - THE TIMES OF INDIA, MUMBAI, INDIA

http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/home/sunday-toi/special-report/Whistleblower-warrior/articleshow/14541049.cms

Whistleblower warrior

Kim Arora, TNN | Jul 1, 2012, 05.06AM IST

ALIGARH: The bullets flew in thick and fast. One entered through the back of his skull and exited through his eye. Two got him on the face. Another grazed past his chest. He still retained consciousness though his early morning game of badminton was over. Lying in a pool of blood, Rinku Singh Rahi remembers asking for help. Soon, an ambulance was on its way. He survived emerging from the hospital three months later with an artificial eye, a contorted cheek and amazement at having survived.

Rahi is no gangster at the receiving end of a blood feud. He is just a PCS officer doing his job playing by the rules. At the time of the shootout on March 26, 2009, he was posted in Muzaffarnagar as a social welfare officer. The attack came barely four months after he had joined service. Rahi, whose father runs a modest atta-chakki (small-scale flour mill) in Aligarh, was not even a week into his job when he began to enquire about various discrepancies in disbursement of funds of the public service schemes his department handled. It began with threats, as he recounts, from everyone including senior officers down to the accountant. Then came an incident where he was beaten up. And then, the fateful March morning. Soon after he recovered from the shoot-out , Rahi was transferred to Aligarh. Here, he is currently a course coordinator in a pre-exam training center for SC/ST IAS aspirants — a position that the 30-year-old PCS officer says is for someone at least "two ranks junior" . The nine persons charged with assaulting him are free men today.

At the training centre, Rahi arranges faculty and even teaches . He has written to a superior asking for clarity on the exact nature of his role here, and is waiting for a response. Earlier this year, he sat on a fast in Lucknow , demanding answers to the RTI he had filed enquiring about the flow of funds and several cases of missing beneficiaries.

Uncovering the siphoning off of funds meant for pensioners, says Rahi, was no rocket science. He says that there were some 63,000 pensioners on record in files. But it turned out there were actually only some 47,000. With the support of the district magistrate, Rahi managed to put the records of the pension scheme in Muzaffarnagar online. "When this happened, the accountant in my department threatened me with dire consequences if I carried on with this work. A senior official called me up and told me 'imaandari chhor do (stop being honest).' The other option he gave me was to write to him saying I can't handle the work here anymore, following which he would have me transferred," says the officer, who enjoys reading Premchand.

But what really turned the tide against him, Rahi believes, is when he made information about a scholarship scheme public. "From what I could gather, Rs 30-40 crore must have been siphoned off from this scheme. We put all the information about funds and when they were released in the public domain. I clearly told journalists that whatever file they wanted would be made available to them," he says.

Varied tactics were used to silence Rahi. He was even offered a "cut." A senior official who had the financial charge for social welfare schemes presented Rahi with a newspaperwrapped bundle full of cash. After he refused to even unwrap it, one fine evening, he was beaten up by goons on the street. "I heard one of them suggest that I be thrown in front of a truck. That would have been easy to dress as an accident. We have seen that happen in the case of Satyendranath Dubey and Narendra Kumar Singh," he says, referring to the murders of the Patna engineer and the UP IPS officer who reported large-scale corruption.

Several times throughout the conversation , Rahi says almost in a whisper, "I know this is how I will die." At the same time however , he emphasizes that his brush with death has made his resolve stronger. "People say everyone is corrupt. But even after all that has happened, I am still here. This means there is a space in the system for people like me and they do exist."

There are many who would want his tribe to increase.