A fairer share - By A. K. Verma - THE INDIAN EXPRESS, MUMBAI, INDIA

The writer, A. K. Verma, a Brahmin, should be thanked by Indian Muslims, for being very prompt in laying down statistics, when Muslims appear to cross their 'proportionate representations' in Uttar Pradesh's Nagar Palikas, Nagar Panchayats, Nagar Nigams, all grass root local government organisations. However, in all fairness, let him come out with statistics about another minority, the Brahmins, as to how much they have exceeded their 'proportionate representation', right from India's independence to date. And that too not just in local panchayats, but municipal corporations, Assembly houses, Parliament, civil services etc all across the nation. Till Muslims reach those levels, I think there is not much to write home about.
Ghulam Muhammed, Mumbai
<ghulammuhammed3@gmail.com>------------------------------

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http://www.indianexpress.com/news/a-fairer-share/1001172/0

A fairer share

A.K. Verma : Wed Sep 12 2012, 02:38 hrs

When Akhilesh Yadav’s Samajwadi Party took over the reins of government in Uttar Pradesh, it boasted of heavy Muslim support, discomfiting the outgoing BSP. Sixty nine Muslims from various parties were elected to the UP assembly. Yet, questions have often been raised about the inadequacy of Muslim representation in UP politics.

However, recent municipal elections for 630 nagar nigams, nagar palika parishads and nagar panchayats in UP, held over June and July, demolish this perception. Not only have Muslims been well represented in all municipal bodies, their presence is proportionately greater than their share in the state’s population, which is 18.5 per cent.

In fact, the proportion of Muslim MLAs and MPs in UP has always exceeded their share in the population. Some suggest that they have been used as votebanks by parties that espouse the “Muslim cause”. However, the political empowerment of Muslims in urban and semi-urban areas, evident in the 2012 municipal elections, punctures this votebank theory.

The State Election Commission does not provide any data on the basis of religion, but it has put the names of all the 12,000-odd elected representatives of 630 civic bodies on its website. Scanning the lists, one finds that out of 11,816 seats, Muslims have won 3,681, that is, 31.15 per cent of the seats. This is a striking jump, compared to the 17.12 per cent share of Muslims in the UP assembly elections in 2012 and the 8.75 per cent share in the parliamentary elections of 2009.

This increased representation of Muslims is not confined to any one region of UP. Rohilkhand, with a 34 per cent Muslim population, tops the list with 53.5 per cent Muslim representation in various municipal bodies. This is followed by Awadh, west UP, east UP and east UP (north). Even in Bundelkhand with 6.69 per cent, and the Doab with 11.2 per cent Muslim populations, the Muslim share in civic bodies is higher, at 8.87 per cent and 15.62 per cent respectively. If we look at specific civic bodies, the trend is mirrored — there there are 88 per cent Muslim members in Mubarakpur (Azamgarh) and Kakrala (Badayun) nagar palika parishads, and 93 per cent Muslim members in Kheri (Lakhimpur) and Kithor (Meerut) nagar panchayats. These four places represent different regions — east UP, Rohilkhand, Awadh and west UP, respectively. This holds true of other sub-regions too.

One explanation for this expanded Muslim representation is that in urban and semi-urban areas, Muslims tend to cluster around a few pockets. But how did this grassroots upsurge of Muslim representation happen without parties like the SP and the BSP, which have vigorously championed the Muslim cause, but which did not participate in these polls? Is this an indication of the Muslim community’s growing autonomy vis-à-vis political parties? The SP contingent in the Lok Sabha did not contain a single Muslim MP in 2009, despite massive Muslim support for the party. Some Muslim parties, such as the Peace Party and the Qaumi Ekta Dal, have tried to take advantage of this fact and fared well in some pockets of east UP and the Terai belt, but they have yet to become real players in state politics. And yet, it is clear that Muslims are now confidently taking to political contests without the aid of political parties.

Why is this increased Muslim representation in civic government not being replicated in assembly and parliamentary elections? Most assembly and parliamentary constituencies have a mix of rural and urban areas, and Muslim localities in rural areas may not be populated densely enough to give Muslim contestants an edge on the basis of community support. They have to reach out to the entire electorate, in which political parties play a crucial role.

The rising number and growing clout of Muslims in urban government have the potential to genuinely improve their lives. This grassroots empowerment will achieve more than anything the Akhilesh Yadav government promises about acting on the Ranganath Mishra commission and the Sachar committee’s recommendations. Now, we must watch how these Muslim-dominant civic bodies function.

The writer teaches politics at Christ Church College, Kanpur, express@expressindia.com