Saturday, September 19, 2015

Digital (Hindu) India - By SUVIR KAUL - www.outlookindia.com

http://www.outlookindia.com/article/digital-hindu-india/295362


PTI PHOTO BY KAMAL SINGH
OPINION

Digital (Hindu) India

Anyone who writes critically about Modi attacks Hinduism and by extension, a Hindu India.


What causes anyone who offers a critique of Prime Minister Narendra Modi and the functioning of his government to be attacked by his supporters as anti-Indian and anti-Hindu? Worse, as terrorists whose efforts have been orchestrated by—take your pick—the security agencies of the United States, the Christian Church, or unnamed colonial masters?

I ask this question from a particular vantage point: I am one of over a 135 signatories of anopen letter published on an academic website run by the American Association of University Professors.

This letter, issued in advance of Modi’s visit to Silicon Valley, invites readers, including those who work in the tech industry, to think carefully about some urgent concerns raised in India about the digital infrastructure the government plans to build.

There is no question that such an infrastructure is crucial to the economic health of the country, but as events in the United States and elsewhere have made clear, without safeguards this digital future will erode some of the personal freedoms guaranteed by our constitution.

The letter also reminds readers of Modi’s questionable role as Chief Minister during the 2002 Gujarat Riots, and then lists a series of events that have characterized his first year as Prime Minister, events that concern educators in particular. The government has acted to constrict the performance of NGOs, particularly those who speak of environmental concerns or who are active in following up on acts of violence against poor and marginalized groups. As is clear from their writing and protests, our colleagues in Indian universities and other educational institutions are increasingly beleaguered by government policies that not only erode institutional autonomies but also endanger critical thinking, analysis and pedagogy.

And of course we all know of cases where foreign scholars who possess valid visas have been denied entry to the country; other researchers, including Persons of Indian Origin, have been deported. (Does a nation like India really have so much to fear from academic enquiry?). This growing climate of surveillance, intolerance and repression is one of the reasons why this letter asks people to think about the uncritical fanfare with which they plan to welcome Modi to Silicon Valley.

Might all our concerns be misplaced? Perhaps, but our letter stated a particular point of view that could and should have been debated. Instead of debate, what we have been subject to is a barrage of personal insults, and worse, threats. Some emails have contained risible elements: we are told that we are “Cone Heads” who suffer from an “acute case of Stockholm syndrome.” Other emails were not quite so funny; indeed some of us have chosen to report them to the police because they felt threatening. Withdraw your signatures, we were told, or else: “Failure to do this now will result in you repenting with untold suffering on your deathbed.”

Another wrote, “you will suffer the consequences of your folly, the Indian nationals in particular. Already the names of the signers of that petition are being widely disseminated through social and other media as sepoys and foreign based enemies of Mr Modi and the Modi government. . . . You may run back to your ivory towers but you can’t hide, not in this age of social media. You have exposed yourself to the wrath of a large number of people who actively support Mr Modi and his government. Be careful about signing petitions in the future, and never ever beard the lion in his cave. You have my condolences for signing that petition.”

No debate here, only intimidation and, yes, condolences, given that Modi’s supporters now have us in their sights.

All of this might be easy to set aside as evidence that the internet and email have encouraged people to write anonymously what they never have the courage to say openly. The level of invective has been so worrisome that Aaron Barlow, the Executive Editor of The Academe Blog, where our letter was published, felt the need to write a special commentary saying that he had never before seen such name-calling and even threatening responses to any published article. Is it the advent of Modi to national power that has emboldened this sort of viciousness, often camouflaged as a defense of long embattled, now muscular, Hindu power? It seems likely, given the insistence of several emails that Modi is the figurehead of Hindu revivalism, and that we are Hindus who have acted treacherously against our faith.

In this paranoid vision, anyone who writes critically about Modi attacks Hinduism and by extension, a Hindu India. A Hindu India that ought to be closed to people like us, they say, for we are saboteurs waging “war on India’s development.” So writes a well-known Hindutva-vadi commentator, who also sees us as anti-democratic because we dare question an elected Prime Minister (as if such questioning is not a fundamental right, indeed obligation, of democratic citizenship). Not surprisingly, his comments are a prelude to a more sinister threat: “it is always worth remembering the names of all those who are ready to subvert India.”

This combination of pusillanimous name-calling and blacklisting, so representative of the bullying and violence of our new political dispensation, is meant to cow us down. However, it has the opposite effect, for it teaches us that we are on the side of all those who combat, in their daily lives and pedagogy, the shrinkage of open debate and dissent in India today.


Suvir Kaul is A. M. Rosenthal Professor, Department of English, University of Pennsylvania

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Tuesday, September 8, 2015

Patidars and Muslims: Reservations and the State. Mukul Kesvan

http://www.telegraphindia.com/1150907/jsp/opinion/story_41120.jsp#.Ve765dKqqkq

The Telegraph


Patidars and Muslims - Reservations and the State


More than the speech of the vice-president, Hamid Ansari, to the Majlis-e-Mushawarat, it is Hardik Patel's call for a Patidarquota that puts the case for affirmative action for Muslims in perspective.

Last month, Hardik Patel, a 22- year-old fan of Bal Thackeray's political methods, speaking on behalf of one of the most successful large communities in Gujarat, demanded reservations for the state's Patidars. In spite of the fact that a mammoth rally organized by him led to violence, he got a solicitous hearing from the state government - chief minister Anandiben Patel appointed a committee to consider his demands - and soothing sounds from prime minister Modi, otherwise notable for his near-Olympian silences. "I appeal to all brothers and sisters of Gujarat that they should not resort to violence," said the prime minister. "The only 'mantra' must be ' shanti'." "Violence," he went on to say, "has never done good for anyone. All issues can be resolved peacefully through talks."

Let us ignore the many ironies in the prime minister's little homily and try a thought experiment instead. Imagine a young Muslim rabble-rouser doing the things Hardik Patel has done to press for Muslim reservations. Visualize him posing for photographs shouldering a shotgun, or sprawled on the bonnet of a car with a snub nosed pistol, his supporters brandishing swords. Now think of him inciting a crowd of half a million Muslims in Surat and that crowd turning violent. How do you think the Gujarat government or the Central government would have reacted? How likely is it that the prime minister would content himself with emollient talk of non-violence and peace? Not very.

Yet in spite of Patel's violent political style, India's political establishment handles him like precious glass whereas when Asaduddin Owaisi, a member of parliament of long standing, makes the case for Muslim reservations on television, he is received as an irresponsible extremist playing with fire. In the same vein, the general secretaries of the Bharatiya Janata Party and the Vishwa Hindu Parishad attacked the vice-president's speech as subversive of the Constitution and communal.

To be fair to Hardik Patel and the Patidars he represents, the reservations they are asking for aren't ridiculous if we go by recent political precedents. Politically powerful, economically entrenched and socially mobile communities have asked for and received reservations in the very recent past.

In February 2009, two months before the Karnataka assembly elections, the BJP government of the chief minister, B.S. Yeddyurappa, added 19 sub-sects of the Lingayat community to the list of backward classes in Karnataka. This brought the total of Lingayat sub-castes eligible for reservations to 42. Lingayat sects are economically and politically powerful; half a dozen chief ministers of Karnataka have been Lingayats.

Similarly, before the October 2014 elections to the Maharashtra assembly, the Congress-Nationalist Congress Party government passed an ordinance reserving 16 per cent of all government jobs and places in educational institutions for Marathas. The Marathas, like the Patidars, are a landed, politically powerful community. While this ordinance was stayed by the Bombay High Court, it was converted into the Maratha reservation bill by the BJP-Shiv Sena coalition that won the assembly elections and swiftly piloted through both houses of Maharashtra's legislature.

So Hardik Patel has good reason to believe that relatively prosperous communities like his have been given backward class status and the reservations that go with it. Jats, Lingayats and Marathas have all used electoral muscle to extract concessions from the State; the Patidars are simply following their lead.

Muslims could be forgiven for thinking that there is something amiss with a system that helps communities much more prosperous than theirs while refusing to consider their claims to affirmative action. When the Congress government in Maharashtra proposed 16 per cent reservation for Marathas, it had also given Muslims a 5 per cent share. Unsurprisingly, the BJP-Shiv Sena government ignored the Muslim reservation while piloting the Maratha quota through the Maharashtra legislature.

Why are communities that are, by any measure, vastly better off than Muslim communities, cosseted by the State? And how does the State justify the exclusion of Muslims from whole categories of reservation? It's worth reviewing the arguments.

Scheduled caste status by definition can only be accorded to members of 'Indic' religious communities (Hindus, Sikhs, Buddhists and so on) and not to Muslims and Christians. So if a Dalit was to convert to Islam and Christianity, he would become ineligible for reservations. The argument here seems to be that since SC reservations are meant to address caste discrimination and since caste is essentially Hindu, a convert to an egalitarian faith like Christianity and Islam that doesn't formally recognize caste is released from the burden of caste discrimination.

There are several things wrong with this reasoning.

To start with, SC reservations were intended to be reparations for the historical backwardness created by caste discrimination. To claim that this handicap is transcended by the act of conversion is both absurd and unjust.

The argument that Christianity and Islam are egalitarian faiths and therefore their adherents have no need of reservation is inconsistently applied: why shouldn't it apply to mazhabiSikhs who belong to a faith as fiercely egalitarian as any?

But let us accept for the sake of argument that conversion transports Muslims and Christians into a haven of non-discrimination. Let us also accept that SC reservation exists to compensate one set of Hindus for their historical oppression by another set of Hindus. The question this raises is, why should Muslims and Christians help pay for this compensation? That they are made to share in its costs is self-evident: when, from the general pool of jobs and educational places, a percentage is reserved for Dalits (defined as Hindus) they become unavailable to everyone, not just to upper caste Hindus. Any reservation shrinks the general pool; since Muslims and Christians can't be Dalits, why should they help compensate for Hindu apartheid?

If we believe Muslims are implicated in caste and need to share the cost of reparations through reservation, there is no historical or ethical reason to exclude plebeian Muslim and Christian communities from SC status. And if expanding that definition is constitutionally complicated, there is certainly no reason to exclude them from other backward classes status in the way the BJP-Shiv Sena government in Maharashtra did this last December.

In their very different ways, Hamid Ansari and Hardik Patel have clarified the debate about reservation. If the republic and its constituent states continue to extend reservations to dominant landholding castes while deliberately excluding or under-representing Muslims and Christians from such reservations, they call the legitimacy of the democracy they embody into question. When, in Satish Deshpande's words, reservations become "...simply a welfare benefit that the state can grant to any community at its discretion", the exercise of that discretion begins to define the very nature of that State.



Mystery of the missing Muslim Captains of industry - By TK Arun - THE ECONOMIC TIMES, MUMBAI, INDIA

http://blogs.economictimes.indiatimes.com/cursor/mystery-of-the-missing-muslim-captains-of-industry/


The Economic Times


Mystery of the missing Muslim Captains of industry


September 7, 2015, 5:04 PM IST 

 in Cursor | India | ET

This newspaper’s finding that only 2.67% of the directors and senior-most executives of the largest 500 companies listed on the Bombay Stock Exchange are Muslims is a sad reflection on the state of the community and of Indian society in general, but hardly comes as a shock
Except to those engaged in professional demonization of Muslims as descendants of foreign invaders who pollute the culture, owe foreign allegiance, harbour terror in their hearts and are resolutely fecund, so as to outnumber Hindus, the sooner the better. The 2011 Census data showed that the Muslim population growth rate has steadily been coming down, is lower than that for Bihar as a whole and that, in absolute numbers, Hindus outnumber Muslims by the largest ever majority today. Now, the ET study brings out an indicator of relative economic disempowerment of Muslims, as well.
Rather than the caricature of menace the Hindutva brigade paints of the Muslim, the reality shows a deprived, disempowered community living under the shadow of violence as the number of communal incidents recorded by the Home ministry keeps going up.
Of course, Muslims are not alone in being under-represented in the corporate hall of fame. The result would be even more disheartening, if one were to hunt for the presence of members of India’s deprived castes and tribal groups in the higher echelons of corporate India. However, certain other minority communities are likely to be overrepresented, in relation to their population: Christians, Sikhs, Jains and Parsis.
The difference, essentially, is education.
Of course, the same prejudice that makes it hard for Muslims to rent a home in urban India will be at work when it comes to hiring as well. However, given the shortage of talent in general, companies are likely to pay attention more to capability than to religious identity. Discrimination on the basis of community used to be far stronger and overt in the pre-liberalisation era of suppressed competition.
Even in companies with Muslim promoters, the largest proportion of senior managers would be non-Muslims, more likely than not. This underscores the role of factors other than discrimination in hiring for the weak representation of Muslims in decisionmaking roles in corporate India.
The Sachar committee report and the subsequent evaluation report on its recommendations, by Prof Amitabh Kundu both brought out the plight of India’s Muslim minorities. In terms of socio-economic indicators, they are at the bottom of the heap, along with the scheduled castes and scheduled tribes.
The Planning Commission, under the previous UPA government, found that funds allotted for education and healthcare had systematically skirted Muslim-dominated villages in places like Uttar Pradesh. This led former Prime Minister Manmohan Singh to declare that the minorities and other deprived sections had the first claim on the nation’s resources. Such statements were widely interpreted to be minority appeasement — with merit, considering that Congress-led Maharashtra did not particularly lag Gujarat in putting away young Muslim men behind bars for years on terror charges that were subsequently disproved.
Vice President Ansari recently said Muslim backwardness is a drag on the entire society. He called upon the community itself to do more for its own uplift. Things are, indeed, changing.
When e-learning software producer Extra Marks was scouting for a school to deploy its offering, it met with skepticism and rejection, till it met up with the Muslim Education Society in Kerala. The MES school in Pattambi was the first school to buy and use English-language software and tablet based teaching and learning.
This is, of course, far removed from the Madrasas of north India, where Muslim pupils are herded into a closed universe, whose horizons are defined by Urdu, the only language they learn, besides the Arabic of the Quran.
The route to redemption for Muslims, as well as for other deprived sections of Indian society, is to equip themselves to take part in the ongoing structural transformation of the Indian economy, from an economy where the bulk of the workforce was engaged in agriculture to the new, emerging, urbanizing powerhouse of services and industry. Those who become skilled professionals and entrepreneurs from among the ranks of the deprived communities will augment their community’s social capital and help the rest climb their way out of backwardness.
DISCLAIMER : Views expressed above are the author's own.

Monday, September 7, 2015

My comments on THE HINDU article: ‘Akhand Bharat’ idea behind RSS cover for talks with Pak.?

My comments on THE HINDU article:

‘Akhand Bharat’ idea behind RSS cover for talks with Pak.?




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Date: Mon, Sep 7, 2015 at 5:47 PM
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To: ghulammuhammed3@gmail.com



‘Akhand Bharat’ idea behind RSS cover for talks with Pak.?
‘Akhand Bharat’ idea behind RSS cover for talks with Pak.?
thehindu.com ·


                                                           
High marks to RSS for its relentless maneuverings to achieve its ultimate goals. However, if Pakistan, or Muslims have any place in its scheme, it is clear that they now realize, they could win by diplomacy which they can possibly never get it through war and strife. That means Muslims do have a card in their hands to lay down their overall demands at least for the sake of discussions in intellectual and political circles in the subcontinent and at global level. The first sticking point will be the RSS phrase - Akhand Bharat . A more neutral name could be -- United Himalayan States. Second, SAARC could be the starting point for a federal state, with democracy and secularism as its fundamental minimalist foundation. Kashmir should be united and coopted as full member of SAARC. In global matters, Muslims should not be deprived of their identification with the Muslim world, if RSS wants to enhance relations with Israel. RSS and Islamic fundamentalists shud shun hate and adopt tolerance.
[Ghulam Muhammed, Mumbai]

Thursday, August 27, 2015

IS 'Times of India playing BJP's political polarisation game?

Religion based Census – Is ‘The Hindu’ downplaying Muslim Demographics ? 

[Or -- IS 'Times of India overplaying BJP's political polarisation game?']





 10
Front page headlines of two leading newspapers on the religion based census