The 'Method Actor', decades ahead of his time, preceded America's 'Method Acting School' - Dilip Kumar, the legend lives - V. Gangadhar, Free Press Journal

The 'Method Actor', decades ahead of his time, preceded America's 'Method Acting School'

http://freepressjournal.in/dilip-kumar-the-legend-lives/



Edit    December 18, 2012 02:27:08 AM |






By V Gangadhar

 

Dilip Kumar, the legend lives

He was the first Indian actor to adopt what came to be known as ‘method acting’. In the years to come some of the finest exponents of this kind of acting were Marlon Brando, Montgomery Clift and James Dean, who had studied acting under experts, but the thespian, without any such assets, was pitchforked straightway before the arc lights.

 

Strange but true, our greatest actor, Dilip Kumar(91), had not seen a film till he was 14. Coming from the rugged hills of Peshawar, the twists and turns of life brought him to Bombay, Pune and Deolali and it was one such twist which brought him face to face with one of the immortals of our cinema, Devika Rani. She found something special in this shy young man and introduced him to films after providing him with a new name, Dilip Kumar. ‘Jwar Bhata’ was the film and it flopped to be followed by another flop. But some of the producers were prepared to take chances with the young actor and finally his ‘Milan’ clicked in a big way.

     Serious and sensitive, young Dilip Kumar was keen to find out why his earlier films failed. He read the scripts and watched the films again and again. He became a regular at theatres screening Hollywood films where James Stewart and Ingrid Bergman were his early favourites. Of course, Hindi cinema was different in content and presentation but the young actor arrived at the conclusion there was a niche for the kind of acting he wanted to do and was capable of doing it.

     Dilip Kumar was the first Indian actor to adopt what came to be known as ‘method acting’. In the years to come some of the finest exponents of this kind of acting were Marlon Brando, Montgomery Clift and James Dean. They had studied acting under experts and also appeared on theatre. But Dilip Kumar, without any such assets, was pitchforked straightway before the arc lights. Ashok Kumar was the most famous young actor, Raj Kapoor and Dev Anand were yet to arrive. The Dilip Kumar style of acting began to attract attention. Cinema was no doubt entertainment but then life had its share of tragedy. Millions of people lost out in their struggles in love, making money and human relationships and Dilip Kumar excelled in portraying such characters. In a way, he was Hindi cinema’s version of the Greek tragic hero or those created by Shakespeare in his great tragedies. ‘Taqdeer’ (destiny) played a major role in shaping his movie roles.

     His was the brooding presence. He seldom spoke aloud but with greet intensity. In role after role in films like ‘Andaz’, ‘Jogan’, ‘Mela’, ‘Arzoo’, ‘Shikast’, ‘Shaheed’, ‘Tarana’, ‘Daag’ and ‘Deedar’, Dilip Kumar enacted gut-wrenching roles, always losing his beloved or mother or other close ones. He was exploited, took to drinks or suffered physical disabilities. Many of these roles resulted in inspired performances by Dilip Kumar. The drunken Shankar in ‘Daag’ mourning his dead mother, the frustrated romance with a widow in ‘Shikast’, the cruel memories of a past which separated him from a childhood sweetheart in ‘Deedar’ .the blind lover haunted by the presence of a dangerously insane wife in ‘Sangdil” (adapted from Jane Eyre) broke new paths in Hindi cinema.

     In the newly-independent India, many of these films had a special social significance. Even Raj Kapoor with a flair for comedy and imitation of Charlie Chaplin understood the theme of his age and with the help of writers like K A Abbas made socially relevant films like ‘Awara’, ‘Shri 420′, ‘Boot Polish’ and ‘Jish Desh Mein Ganga Behti Hain’. Unlike Dilp Kumar., Raj Kapoor successfully clowned his way into the hearts of fans even while conveying the fims’ message. But the Dilip Kumar films were more personal. ‘Footpath’ in 1953 was such a brooding, dark film on the evils of black marketeering that many people found it difficult to sit through it. Shot entirely in the slums, it had a bold scene showing heroine Meena Kumari bathing under a public tap. This was unusual realism for the early 1950s though Meena Kumari was fully covered. Gemini films’ S S Vasan elicited an outstanding performance from Dilip Kumar in his ‘Paigam’ which dealt with trade unionism. Years later, Dilip Kumar played another role on the same subject in ‘Mazdoor’ but it had more melodrama.

      Even today, automation was a touchy issue in India because of its unemployment problem. B R Chopra’s 1957 film ‘Naya Daur’ pitted man against machine, with Dilip Kumar playing a tongawala pitted against a mean machine, the bus. The kind of patriotism shown in the film was a bit exaggerated but the message was brilliantly delivered. After the release of Bimal Roy’s ‘Devdas’ dealing with the immortal, drunken lover, Dilip Kumar was mentally devastated that he reportedly turned down the plum role of the poet-hero in ‘Pyassa’. It was time to flaunt his versatility and flair for comedy in films like ‘Azad’, ‘Kohinoor’ and ‘Ram Aur Shyam’. They became huge hits and helped to build up the legend that was Dilip Kumar.

     Very often, the media focused mainly on the later films of Dilip Kumar where he was forced to play characters who were a bit loud (‘Gopi’, “Aadmi’, ‘Bairaag’, ”Sagina’ and even Manoj Kumar’s ‘Kranti’ where noise emerged stronger than patriotism). By that time, Dilip Kumar had become ‘Dilip Saab’ and produced his own film, ‘Ganga Jumna’, the tale of a dacoit, pitting him against his own brother, a police officer, played by his real life brother Nasir Khan. The film, along with Bimal Roy’s ‘Madhumati’ was a huge hit and confirmed that Dilip saab was the unchallenged number one in the world of Hindi cinema. Ramesh Sippy brought together Dilip Saab and Amitabh Bachchan and one need not mention who was the winner.

     In  many ways Dilip Saab was more than an actor. He was an intelligent spokesman of his age, utterly secular and not afraid of petty tyrants like Balasaheb Thackeray who faulted him for accepting an award from Pakistan. Dilip Saab was a believer in international brotherhood, like Jawaharlal Nehru, he was a citizen of the world.  I interviewed him three or four times, once in the company of his good friend J K Kapur, producer of ‘Sagina’. We had lunch, biriyani and salad, Dilip Saab was the perfect host and later brilliantly expounding on the dangers of communal propaganda during elections. Fond of sports, he played football and badminton and started the football club ‘Bombay Dynamos’ along with fellow actor Pran.

     Dilip Saab was a true representative of his age, as an actor and  a human being. Never interested in rat race, he acted only in about 60 films, but these were enough to stamp his greatness. Here is belated birthday greetings for the one and only genuine ‘Saab’ of Hindi cinema.

V Gangadhar

 

Mockery of justice in Bangladesh - By Aijaz Zaka Syed - Arab News - Jeddah - Saudi Arabia

http://arabnews.com/mockery-justice-bangladesh

Mockery of justice in Bangladesh

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Aijaz Zaka Syed

Friday 14 December 2012

It’s been nearly 42 years since Pakistan got split giving birth to Bangladesh. But just as the oppressive shadow of their past perpetually hangs over India and Pakistan 65 years after their violent separation, the ghost of the 1971 catastrophe continues to haunt Bangladesh and Pakistan.


In Pakistan, most people would rather forget that dark phase in the nation’s history. In Bangladesh though, the past is ever present.

The Year 1971 is in the spotlight these days once again in Bangladesh with the familiar accusations and counter-accusations of war crimes and political vendetta flying thick and fast. Indeed, every time Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina’s Awami League comes to power, this game is played out again and again with the regime going after its opponents with a new zeal.


This time around, the witch-hunt has been taken to a whole new level. The manner in which the entire senior leadership of Jamaat-e-Islami is being tried for “war crimes” and for its “anti-liberation” role in 1971 has outraged many around the world.


The Jamaat-e-Islami, founded in undivided India, is widely respected for its dedication to spreading the universal message of Islam. The partition saw the movement split with a marked shift in approach and priorities in the two countries. In Pakistan, it decided to take the path of electoral politics to pursue its goals, to the chagrin of some of its supporters.


In India, the Jamaat focused on taking Islamic teachings to all communities in their own languages even as it pushed the believers to be true representatives of their faith. This has been more or less the approach of the movement in Bangladesh too.


This is why this trial of Prof Ghulam Azam, the 90-year old ailing former Jamaat chief, and current president Motiur Rahman Nizami and almost the entire top brass of the party by the Bangladesh International Criminal Tribunal is so absurd. The serious charges against the Jamaat leaders include war crimes, rapes, executions and other atrocities during the 1971 turmoil. Prof Azam’s wife Afifa Azam has accused the authorities of physically and mentally torturing her incarcerated husband.


The open victimization of the party, part of an 18-party opposition alliance led by former Premier Khaleda Zia, has provoked strong condemnation from international rights groups, jurists and lawmakers.


In October, Britain’s House of Lords denounced the trial in a strongly worded resolution, demanding the authorities allow its team of lawyers to attend the trial.


The Bangla tribunal has been slammed by the International Bar Association saying “the legislative framework of the Tribunal fell short of recognized international standards.”


US Ambassador for Global Justice Stephen Rapp has criticized the Tribunal’s procedures and “evident bias” of its presiding judge.


The UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch and International Center for Transitional Justice have voiced concerns over the way the tribunal has been operating, urging the government to abide by international law and protect the rights of all accused.


Toby M Cadman, a renowned international jurist, has called on the world community to act to stop the impending “summary executions” of opposition leaders. He was in Saudi Arabia recently to rally the support of Arab and Muslim countries against what he sees as a sham trial and mockery of justice.


He has asked the Organization of Islamic Cooperation to convene an international conference to start a reconciliation process in Bangladesh or at least persuade Prime Minister Hasina to ensure a fair and transparent trial. “The Bangladesh tribunal,” he told Arab News, “violates norms of fair trial spelled out in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights.”


But most damning criticism of the ICT and the government has come from The Economist in its two reports titled, Ever Murkier and Discrepancy in Dhaka. It has questioned the manner in which the tribunal has been functioning, from allowing testimonies of old friends of presiding judge Nizamul Haq to the abduction of key defense witnesses like Shukho Ranjan Bali by intelligence agencies right at the doorstep of the court.


“None of this brings confidence that the trial is being conducted to the highest standards. Even observers who have long insisted that there is merit in the process now see a rush to get the trial finished. 

The goal may be to wrap up before a general election that is expected in a little over a year,” noted the London-based magazine respected for its independence and professional integrity.


Where’s all this going to end? Doubtless, what happened in 1971 was truly shameful and indefensible. How a country that was created in the name of Islam and was to be a model Muslim state witnessed the endless bloodletting, rape and all sorts of appalling crimes against Muslims at the hands of fellow Muslims will forever remain a sordid chapter in South Asia’s history.


In less than a quarter of a century after its inception, “the land of the pure” ended up losing half of its body. The political and military leadership had managed to alienate much of the Bengali-speaking population in the East in no time with their combination of hubris and highhandedness. The failure to recognize the massive electoral mandate that Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, Sheikh Hasina’s father, received in the 1970 elections proved the final straw on the camel’s back.


Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, the other claimant to the throne, threatened of dire consequences if Gen. Yahya Khan invited Awami League to form the government. And when the people of East Pakistan hit the streets to protest the stealing of Mujeeb’s historic win, the military hit back hard, sparking a national revolt. What followed is part of history and no one can deny or defend it. The 9-month long conflict reportedly claimed more than 3 million lives.


Of course, India’s strategic support played a critical role. An effusive Vajpayee famously compared Indira Gandhi to Durga for her role in breaking the neighbor back. However, if anyone was indeed responsible for breaching the fabled fortress of the faith, it was the selfishness and conceit of its own elites and crimes of the army against its own people.

Thousands of civilians were raped and killed and millions uprooted. Mukti Bahni had its share of bloodletting too.


The groups like Biharis, who remained loyal to the idea of a united Pakistan, bore the brunt. In fact, Cadman claims massive crimes were committed by all sides.


It was truly an utterly, utterly shameful and horrendous tragedy that befell the subcontinent. But what was Jamaat’s role in it? Like the Biharis and many others, it believed in a united Pakistan and desperately tried to prevent the inevitable split. But did it run death squads and rape campaigns to aid the Army? Anyone familiar with its history and reputation of its leaders would find the accusations ridiculously absurd.


If they are guilty of anything it is standing up for national unity at a time when everyone else was trying to wreck it. Does it deserve punishment for that sin now? The massive popular response to the Jamaat’s strike call last week to protest the trial leaves no one in doubt what ordinary Bangladeshis think of this vicious campaign against the party.

Other members of the 18-party alliance have also extended total support to Prof Azam and other accused.


To his credit when Bangladesh came into being, Sheikh Mujib sought a fresh start saying his was a forgiving nation and that Bangladesh should now look to the future, not the past, in the interest of peace and reconciliation. This was why similar trials were abandoned in 1973 leading to a tripartite accord between Bangladesh, Pakistan and India.


Sheikh Hasina would do well to be guided by the wisdom of her farsighted father. This charade of a trial will only revive old wounds and end up dividing a nation that has rebuilt itself after epic sacrifices. Bangladesh has earned the world’s respect thanks to the hard work of its people, steadily marching to progress. Raking up the past and waking up the ghosts of 1971 won’t help anyone. It’s time to move on.

Aijaz Zaka Syed is a Gulf based writer. Write him at aijaz.syed@hotmail.com

India's un-banked millions and its top few Oligarchs unwilling to yield - Ghulam Muhammed

A letter to the Editor

India's un-banked millions and its top few Oligarchs unwilling to yield

While smaller nations, like Sri Lanka and Kenya are flexible and not authoritarian in management of their economy to 'let people go', India's Banker/Prime Minister is full-time hankering to take care of ONLY its billionaires and millionaires, while 500 million Indians are un-banked. Neither its nationalised banking able or willing to try to offer banking services to the 'lesser children of God', the elitist Reserve Bank and the super-Elitist Minister of Finance, incidentally both Brahmins, are in cahoots in not giving in to public demands for more banking facilities. India's 200 million Muslims are clamoring for the introduction of no-interest Islamic Banking, for now 2 decades and more; but the ruling elites in ruling Congress hide behind the excuse of communal backlash to deprive Muslims of even small credit facilities on non-interest terms as per their religious sanctions. While IMF and World Bank are now offering billions to the US and others on ZERO interest rates, the laggards in the great movement of Cult of Equity in India, are like blindfolded bullocks that go round and round tethered --- to press oil seeds or draw water from village wells, to irrigate their fields in a timeless journey to the their sorry end. 

Prime Minister should have the courage to rise to the challenge and make history by working towards earliest possible introduction of laws, in the rubber stamp Parliament, to introduce non-interest Islamic Banking in India.

Ghulam Muhammed, Mumbai
<ghulammuhammed3@gmail.com>
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http://www.economist.com/news/finance-and-economics/21567981-huge-success-home-has-been-less-dazzling-abroad-cult-equity

Kenya’s biggest bank

The cult of Equity

A huge success at home has been less dazzling abroad

Dec 8th 2012 | Nairobi | from the print edition

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Thriving in its main market

IN 1994 Kenya’s Equity Building Society was technically insolvent. It looked like the end of the road for a family business that had grown out of a cheque-cashing venture for farmers into a mortgage lender for Kenya’s poor. Its logo—a modest house with a brown roof—spoke to its mission to help low-income Kenyans make small gains towards a better life. But an economic downturn and some poor management meant more than half its loan book had gone bad and its accumulated losses were ten times its capital.

At the eleventh hour Equity’s board turned to James Mwangi, an accountant and banker with roots in the part of central Kenya where the society had started in 1984. The central bank gave Equity time to convert its depositors into shareholders. After a stint as finance director Mr Mwangi became the chief executive and helped to transform Equity into the success story of East African retail banking. He quickly shifted the organisation’s focus from the competitive mortgage market to small loans. The backbone of the new strategy was to offer Kenya’s vast unbanked underclass micro-loans from as little as 500 Kenyan shillings ($5.81); the average loan amount was 16,000 shillings.
 

Equity bucked the trend of branch closures around the country. It waived property-ownership requirements and allowed anyone with a national identity number to open an account. It was flexible about forms of collateral, accepting marriage beds or personal belongings. Some customers repaid loans with cow’s milk. Where there were too few customers for it to build branches Equity sent mobile ones, armoured trucks with a satellite dish on top and a bank manager inside.
New standards of service created a huge and loyal customer base. Insiders recall a small farmer in his 80s travelling for days by bus over the country’s crumbling roads to thank Mr Mwangi personally in Nairobi. Sceptics who thought providing financial services to the poor would entail a load of non-performing loans were confounded: such loans were 1.3% of the whole book in 2011.

Since 2000 the bank’s pre-tax profit has grown at an annual average rate of 65%. Today roughly half of all bank accounts in Kenya are with Equity. A gross profit of 33.6m shillings in 2000 has risen to 11.8 billion shillings for the first nine months of this year.

The only blip has been Equity’s failure, so far, to replicate its Kenyan success abroad. Equity has launched operations across the region, with a presence in Uganda, Tanzania, Rwanda and South Sudan. It is looking at Nigeria, Ghana, South Africa and the Congo “among other countries”, according to Mr Mwangi. A capital raising has been scheduled for next year to finance growth.

But some investors are wondering whether Equity’s model based on banking the unbankable is as exportable as they were told. In the past four years Equity has lost $359,000 on the $96m it has invested to build its East African platform. Return on equity in Uganda has been only 18%, compared with 34% in Kenya in 2011. 

Concerns that the bank may be overstretched have been worsened by the recent departures of two senior executives.

John Staley, who heads Equity’s Mobile Banking and Payment Innovations division, says that too much was expected too soon. It took 25 years to build the grassroots relationships that brought success in Kenya. He also believes that the branch model of old is going to be replaced by agents, who act as cheaper cash-in and cash-out points for customers. Agents are used by the mobile-money operations pioneered by telecoms firms, but persuading bank regulators to allow them is tougher. Kenya lets banks have agents but regulators in Uganda have blocked Equity’s attempts to recruit an agent network there. “If we have access to the agent model, then our regional expansion will fly,” says Mr Staley. Otherwise Equity will carry on soaring at home but remain grounded abroad.

from the print edition | Finance and economics

Copyright © The Economist Newspaper Limited 2012. All rights reserved.

Special Training Programme for Indians in Islamic Finance in Sri Lanka - By Ziaullah Namani - Indianmuslimobserver.com

http://www.indianmuslimobserver.com/2012/12/special-training-programme-for-indians.html#.UMh3RKzcBdw

Home / Featured , Foreign , India , Islamic Finance , Latest News , Photo Gallery / Special Training Programme for Indians in Islamic Finance in Sri Lanka

Special Training Programme for Indians in Islamic Finance in Sri Lanka

by IMO admin | December 05‚ 2012 at 10:43 AM 0 Comments and 2 Reactions

Featured Foreign India Islamic Finance Latest News Photo Gallery

By Ziaulla Namani

Indian based Oasis academy in association with South Eastern University of Sri Lanka (SESUL) is offering a special training program of one month for Students across India.It is a campus based programme in Sri Lanka’s SESUL University. The Course will commence from January 2013.

The special training programme in Islamic banking and finance is aimed mainly at students and professionals who are seeking to have more than a basic understanding of the concepts and operating principles that apply to different types of Islamic banking in comparison to conventional banking.

Speaking about this Programme, Mufti Mohammed Salman Mazahari, course consultant and director said, “The emphasis is on practical implementation of Islamic finance principles in the real world of finance. The course consists of more than 34 lessons structured around six modules with minimum 03 industrial visits”.

Speaking on Why Sri lanka as a destination, Mufti Mohammed Salman said “For Practical exposure Sri Lanka is a best option, as Islamic banking and Finance (IBF) industry is 15 years old and it will help students to get a real feel of IBF in Sri lanka as an intern”.

He also maintained that SEUSL is a renowned university in the Islamic society worldwide. SEUSL operates under the direction of Government of Sri Lanka. It maintains links with governments and private institutions all over the world, such as Bradford University, UK, Indian universities and Colleges and the Association of Commonwealth Universities. The participants may be able to use this certificate to get placements in business organisations or Islamic financial institutions worldwide.

To market the course in India the course consultant and director has appointed Blossom Media Pvt. Ltd as their marketing firm.

In this one month’s campus program the participant will learn about Fundamentals of Islamic Economics, Foundations of Islamic Banking and Finance, Islamic Commercial Law & Contracts, Islamic Modes of Finance, Islamic Treasury and Capital Market Operations, Takaful and Re Takaful: Principles and Operations.

Lectures will be conducted by Islamic Finance scholars from Malaysia, Sri Lanka, India.
Course fee is INR 50000 for each participant, which including Two way Air Ticket Chennai Colombo & Colombo Chennai,food, accommodation, course materials and certificate.
Last date for Registration is 20th of December 2012.

For more Inquiry interested candidates can contact Blossom Media Pvt Ltd at 9930908335 / 9769026661. Can write to us at muallim.india@gmail.com.

[Ziaulla Namani can be contacted at zianamani@gmail.com]

You might also like:

Mum, why Islamic finance?

Islamic Finance: Capital with a human face

Key-Person Risk in Islamic Finance

Islamic Finance must finance its diversification

Insecure after all - By Badri Raina - The Hindu

The eminent writer Prof. Badri Raina has left the onus of raising objections with the Chief Election Commission to Congress, over Narendra Modi's resurrection of communal propaganda to consolidate and garner votes. In fact, it we the people have much greater stake in hounding such communal elements on their illegal crimes against India's secularism and NGO's from public life should take up massive campaign against revival of communal propaganda. Under public pressure, Chief Election Commissioner is bound to issue warnings to Modi and in case of his defiance, could initiate the process to countermand his own election, if he wins.

Ghulam Muhammed, Mumbai
<ghulammuhammed3@gmail.com>

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http://www.thehindu.com/opinion/op-ed/insecure-after-all/article4167735.ece



December 6, 2012

Insecure after all

Badri Raina

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PTI Narendra Modi’s bravado as “vikash purush” may not move the bulk of the electorate this time around.

With the weaknesses of Modi’s development plank now exposed, the Gujarat Chief Minister is resorting to tried and tested majoritarian communalism

Did you notice that Narendra Modi is back to his old tricks? Out of thin air, and with no context of any kind, he has chosen to insinuate that the Congress means to install Ahmed Patel as Chief Minister of Gujarat. And not just Ahmed Patel but “Ahmed Mian Patel.” Do recall his erstwhile sallies with “Mian Musharraf” and “James Michael Lyngdoh.” The idea patently is to warn the Gujarati voter that should the Congress come to power, the State would be saddled with a Muslim chief executive.

The inference ought to be that his “development” plank having been found out during the current campaign for what it is — an exclusionary exercise in benefiting the fat cats at the expense of the Adivasis, the fisherfolk, the farmers, and the minorities — Mr. Modi’s greatly hyped and advertised bravado as “vikash purush” may not be quite moving to the bulk of the Gujarat electorate this time around. Nor, as it turns out, does Gujarat seem to have been as free of corrupt crony capitalism as Modispeak would have us believe.

Hence, his unprincipled and legally questionable recourse to tried and tested majoritarian communalism.
 
Buried fact

Remarkably, we always seem to forget that this claim to majoritarian hegemony excludes some 47 or so per cent of Gujaratis who have consistently voted against him — a fact that remains cannily buried as far as public commentary and discourse are concerned.

Thus his claim to hold sway over “six crore” Gujaratis has always been an unfair myth insufficiently unravelled.

What remains to be seen is whether, in these days of touted stringency, the Election Commission takes notice of his blatant recourse to sectarian propaganda — “Ahmed Mian Patel” — and does what the law requires. The very recent indictment of Varun Gandhi in this respect might be a factor to consider.

It is to be expected that the Congress may approach the Election Commission in this matter; expected but not likely, for the reason that the local Congress seems terrified of fuelling polarisation among the electorate even if that means turning a Nelson’s eye to such brazen violation of the Constitution and the election laws as Mr. Modi’s statement about “Ahmed Mian Patel” entails.

Meanwhile, one well-wishing electronic channel is busy selling the idea that a “new narrative” is afoot among Gujarati Muslims — one that sensibly argues that it is best to be by Mr. Modi’s side even if the ghettoisation of the community is now an accepted fact on both sides of the divide. The Bohras and the Khojas have always had their eye on the main chance but, if the most upright and honourable Dr. J.S. Bandukwala whose house was gutted during the carnage of 2002 is to be believed, even the Bohras and Khojas are unlikely to vote Modi.

The same channel is also showcasing a young and suave Muslim lady who has gone over from the Congress to the BJP. She can be heardsaying that, after all, an ordinary BJP worker in Gujarat can get more done than a Congress MLA. The question is, done for whom?

The occurrence also recalls the sad case of Arif Mohammed Khan — a more reliable Islamic scholar than most Mullahs and a fine secular India overall — who once took what was a traumatic decision to go over to the BJP in the hope that the perpetual “Other” may be transformed from the inside and weaned from the RSS; I can’t recall whether Arif bhai is still with the BJP, but the BJP surely remains with the RSS. Leopard’s spots — they are dour.

But, to think that a politician who can at the drop of a hat stoop to such sectarian and divisive cunning — “Ahmed Mian Patel” — should be a hot favourite for the top executive job in the country may be the most damning comment on one considerable section of India’s political class and on the corporates and newly-minted elites who support them.
 
Paradox

The paradox is that, given the 24X7 hype over Mr. Modi, if he drops even a single seat or stays where he is the argument may be fuelled that the limits of his politics have been reached. Indeed, that conclusion may become more rampant among the BJP’s inner circles than among merely those opposed to Mr. Modi’s brand of politics. In that event, the late Madhav Singh Solanki, who once garnered 140 seats in the Gujarat Assembly, may remain the record holder beyond Mr. Modi’s prowess.

Galling thought that.
 
(Prof. Badri Raina is a Delhi-based writer.)

‘Congress ran away when 1992-93 riots broke out’ - IDEA EXCHANGE - The Indian Express, Mumbai

http://www.indianexpress.com/news/-congress-ran-away-when-199293-riots-broke-out-/1042880/0

‘Congress ran away when 1992-93 riots broke out’

Express news service : Mon Dec 10 2012, 01:43 hrs

Twenty years after the 1992-93 communal riots that left 900 dead (575 Muslims, 275 Hindus and 50 others) and over 2,000 injured and displaced over 1,000, justice has still not been delivered.Riots continue to be used as a tool to achieve political agenda.

Advocate Yusuf Muchhala, who has battled for over two decades for implementation of Justice Srikrishna report, speaks with The Indian Express editorial team about the feeling of alienation and other issues of the minority community.

Swatee Kher: What is the status of the riot cases?

Muchhala: Sixty per cent of the cases have been closed. Of the 892 registered, 11 were tried under TADA and three resulted in convictions. Some 120 cases were referred to the fast-track courts set up in 2008. Conviction was ordered in seven of these, but again appeals resulted in acquittals in five. Two cases are pending.

What is the point in referring cases to a fast-track court after almost 16 years? Many witnesses are untraceable and have lost interest. 

Some have even lost memory. It is sort of eyewash.

P Vaidyanathan Iyer: When the state fails in its roles and responsibilities, what does the constitution provide for? At a time when we are seeing a completely different emergence of regional parties, do you think it will become more and more difficult for the central government to intervene in state affairs?

Muchhala: All parties want to draw political mileage. Whatever formulation comes to power, it will look to draw political mileage. We need a strong constitutional setup to take charge in such times. Like the national and state human rights commissions that came into existence after 1995. During the 1992-93 riots these institutions did not exist.

Governments like to control such institutions. Maharashtra state human rights commission (SHRC) is without members since February. The state government, which processes appointments of SHRC members, has taken over a year to fill the vacancies. We need a vigilant civil society to raise these issues.

In Gujarat, so many (riot) cases have come up because of SHRC that filed writ petitions before the high court. We have to strengthen such institutions and ensure they do not come under government pressure.

Sukanya Shetty: When riots break out, most state governments do not use power. What role did Congress play during the 1992-93 riots, as it was in power in the state as well as at the Centre?

Muchhala: Congress ran away. No Congress worker was seen on the street. But at the time of election they included these things (riot cases and Srikrishna Commission report) in
manifestos.

Zeeshan Shaikh: Do you also see a failure on the part of the community? Do you think the community is suffering from some sort of persecution complex? Is there a need for the community to introspect? All is not well with the Muslim community, after all.

Muchhala: I would not call it a persecution complex, but a sense of alienation. There is distrust between the Muslim community and the establishment. But do you blame only Muslims? After the Mecca blast, Muslim boys were picked up. After Malegaon, again Muslim boys were picked up. Then again for Ajmer blast. It is not that Muslims do not commit crimes, but it is the way the community is targeted.

A feeling of alienation is definitely there. Muslims feel police are against them. After the 1993 blasts, police kept 45 Mahim families captive for a number of days as they suspected involvement of a member of one.

Police said produce him and go home. After it became hot for police to keep so many people captive, they locked up one member of each of the 45 families at the office of the commissioner in Crawford Market. I had to file a writ petition to get them released. 

The government later claimed no one was detained.

Smita Nair: When someone like Bal Thackeray gets a state honour, what do you think? You have been closely interacting with the (minority) community, what was its sentiment, reaction?

Muchhala: It was not a correct decision. Though there was no conviction, he faced serious allegations. Such honour was not required. It was a decision of the Chief Minister.

Swatee Kher: What changes do you expect in law?

Muchhala: There is nothing wrong with the laws. The problem is implementation. We have 153 (a), 295 (a). Prosecution under these IPC sections happens only if the government grants sanction. The government does not.

If it does, it does after many years. By then, evidence is lost and so is the purpose. There is no political will to implement laws. There is no accountability in our system of law.

Accountability can be brought by introducing Communal Violence (Prevention) Bill that is pending consideration by so many forums.
Commissions after commissions have made the same observation, if the local administration is vigilant it can control riots within 24 hours. In many cases, riots were controlled. Accountability, along with the aspect of justice after riots and rehabilitation, can be covered in the Bill. Unfortunately, so many political parties are opposing it on the pretext of federalism.

Mayura Janwalkar: Coming to hate speeches. How can we ensure the law does not deny freedom of speech and at the same time is not misused?

Muchhala: There must be a proper system in place. We already have a law under IPC and its validity has been upheld by Supreme Court. Existing laws should be properly used.

Sukanya Shetty: A majority of 1992-93 riot cases were closed as “A summary”, which means true but undetected. Were the reports not filed before a magistrate, a pre-requisite?

Muchhala: No, none of the reports was filed before a magistrate. It was all done at the police level, a wrong practice. It is actually for the magistrate to decide. Unfortunately, nobody raised the issue.

Sukanya Shetty: How proactive has the judiciary been in this process of justice to the riot victims?

Muchhala: Our writ petitions are still pending before Supreme Court. Justice A S Anand was proactive, others were not interested. 

There is no consistent judicial policy.

Mayura Janwalkar: Will the commission report be implemented? Is there hope?

Muchhala: The report is valuable as it forms a government archive. The information that flows from the government archive is not pure. Without such a commission, the future generation will not know what happened in 1992-93. Conscience is kept alive and it helps ensure such incidents do not recur.

Sukanya Shetty: Commissions are not meant to be brilliant archives. Maharahstra has seen several of them, but findings of none were implemented. The commissions became political tools. So, what is the real use?

Muchhala: I agree with you that commissions are used for political 
benefits. But it is not correct that Srikrishna Commission did not serve any purpose. It is an honest report.

When I decided to participate in the commission, the reaction of the Muslim youth was dangerous.

“Aise bhi marte hain, toh chaar ko maar ke marenge”, was the feeling. They are not criminals. They did not participate in riots or in blasts. But the anger was there. Sense of injustice was there. That expression was very dangerous.

The moment the commission started its inquiry, people started phoning and giving information. These are intangible benefits. The manner in which Justice Srikrishna conducted the inquiry, hats off to him. He allowed people to open their hearts.

So far as the guilty are concerned, they were shivering in their trousers.

Swatee Kher: Many went missing after the riots. And as per law, if a victim is not traced for seven years s/he is declared dead. But this aspect was not considered by the government while disbursing compensation.

Muchhala: As many as 165 persons were reported missing. We (NGOs and activists) have referred to Supreme Court seven cases in which compensation was denied. After so many years, those seven persons are also not traceable. Of the 165, state has compensated over 100. That too after a lot of reluctance and after we approached Supreme Court.

From 1993-2005, all attempts at bureaucratic levels failed. At election time some people got active and money was paid.

Smita Nair: What is your opinion on the August 11 Azad Maidan violence?

Muchhala: Some people indulged in violent activities. They needed to be booked and they were.

The commissioner (Arup Patnaik) handled it wisely. He could not 
prevent it (the violence), but he tried to control it. Police were at fault, I agree. Subsequently, police took the right decision by filing cases.

Uttar Pradesh on a boil - Part III - By Amaresh Mishra - The Times of India

http://blogs.timesofindia.indiatimes.com/the-mainstream-maverick/entry/uttar-pradesh-on-a-boil

Uttar Pradesh on a boil - Part III

Amaresh Misra
03 December 2012, 08:26 AM IST

84

Faizabad Violence
The real face of the new communal politics came to the fore in Faizabad. The build-up to the whole affair ought to be seen: In July 2012, the police locked the gates of a functioning Masjid in Faizabad’s Mirzapur’s area. Of late, several new Mandirs—some overnight—have sprouted in Faizabad; most of these reflect a desire of some small time politician or a neo-rich wannabe to acquire political clout through religion.
There was a similar dispute regarding land in front of the Mirzapur Masjid; then on September 23, 2012, three idols were stolen from the Deokali Mandir in the heart of Faizabad city; after September 30, 2012, following  Akhilesh Yadav’s directive (see Part I and II of this series) to DMs for the possible release of innocent Muslims framed in terror cases, Faizabad lawyers went on a 25 day strike.  Anti-Muslim, hate speeches began blaring almost overnight from loudspeakers; the district administration and SP politicians did nothing.
In October 2012, Mahant Adityanath, the Gorakhpur BJP MP—known as a danga master as he creates riots everywhere he goes just by abusing Muslims—was allowed not only to visit Faizabad but warn Muslims of returning the idols even when the district administration was following some other line of investigation.
Adityanath’s Hindu Vahini volunteers suddenly became active; shakhas—manned not by the RSS but Hindu Vahini cadres—sprang up suddenly in several small towns of Faizabad and adjoining areas. Then four Hindus were arrested from Kanpur and shown as the real moorti chors of Deokali by the police.
But organizations like the Durga Puja Committee and various so-called Hindutva organizations refused to believe the Police version and continued blaming the Muslims. Insiders reveal that the Deokali temple is under the control of two Pathak brothers. A legal case for possession with another party is underway; the idols are expensive; the brothers are close to several politicians including Pawan Pandey, the sitting SP MLA of Faizabad.
As a city, Faizabad enjoys communal harmony; in the 1857 war, Mahant Ramdas, Maulvi Ameer Ali, Shambhu Prasad Shukla and Acchan Khan, a Muslim notable from the Hasnu Katra mohalla, were sawed to death by the British at a spot close to the site where the Babari Masjid was demolished on December 6, 1992. The four freedom fighters—two Muslims and two Hindus—shouted Bahadur Shah Zafar Ki Jai! Begum Hazrat Mahal ki Jai! Har Har Mahadev! Allah O’ Akbar!
Such is the great Faizabadi culture—even now Hindus and Muslims are joint caretakers of Bahu-Begum ka Makbara and the Gulab Bari—the great monuments built during the reign of Nawab Shuja-ud-Daula and Asif-ud-Daula—in the second half—of the 18^th century. Before shifting to Lucknow, Awadhi Nawabs held Faizabad as their capital.


In 1992-93, Mumbai and other places in India saw riots; but despite the best efforts of decadent BJP leaders like Vinay Katiyar—who fell out with a famous Mafia Don of Faizabad also named Pawan Pandey (nothing to do with the sitting SP MLA) involved in temple destruction in 1992 but subsequently hounded out by the BJP when he questioned the tendency of some big Faizabad BJP leaders to indulge in womanizing—Faizabad did not witness a single incident of violence involving people of the city. The said Pawan Pandey later joined the BSP.
Most post-Masjid demolition, anti-Muslim violence in December 1992 in Faizabad was the handiwork of Shiv Sainiks from Maharashtra or Kar Sevaks from Andhra Pradesh. 
Muslims making mukuts for the various temples of Ayodhya and Faizabad, and Hindus maintaining mosques, is part of the composite tradition of Faizabad and Avadh. All this was disturbed when on 24th October 2012, the day of Durga Puja immersion, a total breakdown of law and order, and paralysis of district police and civil district officers, led to an abominable assault on Muslim shops, homes and personals. During my tour of the district on November 23^, 2012 to ascertain facts, I discovered a shocking conspiracy to turn Uttar Pradesh into another Gujarat.
The Nexus
With the help of local Left oriented social activists like Anil Singh, and other youth activists like Shah Alam and Afaq, I discovered a nexus between communal forces attacking Muslims in various towns of Faizabad, the district’s political class, and the district administration. This led to lumpen mobs, composed of Mahanta Adityanath’s Hindu Vahini, Bajrang Dal, RSS, BJP and Shiv Sena letting loose a reign of terror which affected several towns like Rudauli, Bhadarsa, Shahganj—almost the entire district—as well as the main Chowk in the heart of Faizabad city—on October 24, 2012.
In Faizabad city, assaults on Muslims took place roughly between 5.30 pm and 10-11 pm—several Muslim shops were burned. An old mosque—which was a symbol of communal harmony as Hindu women used to throw flower petals on Durga Puja processions earlier from its roof—was vandalized.
The attack on symbols of composite culture again recalls Gujarat—there too the tomb of Shah Wali Dakkhani—the father of Urdu language—loved both by Muslims and Hindus—was leveled to the ground. In Faizabad, a shop of watches inside the mosque was gutted and looted thoroughly.
The office of `Aap Ki Taaqat’, a Hindi-Urdu bilingual weekly, a symbol of Faizabad’s composite culture, was destroyed by Hindu Vahini/ Bajrang Dal/Shiv Sena goons and miscellaneous miscreants. Manjar Mehndi, the editor of the weekly, is a respected, secular citizen of Faizabad. Hindus of the area I spoke to expressed, their anguish over the attack on Manjar Sahab’s office. Hindu shopkeepers swore on the Bhagwat Geeta that no one from the Chowk area was involved in the attack, which “was the handiwork of outsiders owing allegiance to Mahant Adityanath”.
The mosque itself was attacked as goons shouting anti-Muslim slogans entered the main area.

The Faizabad Mosque—symbol of composite culture—burnt and vandalized, courtesy Amaresh Misra

The Faizabad Mosque—symbol of composite culture—burnt and vandalized, courtesy Amaresh Misra

Conspiracy

The conspiracy angle in the Faizabad bares itself when one examines the way the district administration reacted between October 24-26, 2012. The first sign of disturbances came from Rudauli—about 40 km from Faizabad. Ramchandra Yadav, the BJP MLA from Rudauli was active in the fracas, which started at 2.30pm or so, after a rumour that some Muslim boys tried harming Durga idols being taken by a crowd for immersion; similar rumours were heard in places like Shahganj and other areas almost simultaneously. The concurrent dispersal of rumours over areas separated by 40-70 km is difficult even in the mobile phone age. It is impossible without the help of a secret organization.
Remarkably, both the District Magistrate (DM) and the Senior Superintendent of Police (SSP)—the two most high ranking officers—of Faizabad—reached Rudauli between 2.30 and 3pm; despite the fact that violence erupted in several other places—even inside Faizabad city—after the Rudauli incident—the DM and SSP were not seen anywhere else. Mystery shrouds their role—where were they till late at night (11pm or so) when the violence in Faizabad city began petering out?
In Faizabad city, violence started around 5pm near the Royal Plaza area after rumours that a Muslim boy was caught teasing a Hindu girl during the Durga Puja procession; later it turned out that a Hindu boy was involved in the eve teasing incident; but by then the crowd had begun vandalizing properties owned by Muslims. Around 6.30 pm or so, the SP city fled; then a Police daroga was hit by stone pelting; he started bleeding; recently, in Bhatta Parsaul it was seen how the Police becomes violent against a mob or a crowd of people when one of its officers are hit—in Faizabad the opposite happened—the Police ran away from the scene with the injured daroga; between roughly 6pm and 11pm, communal elements continued their dance of loot, arson and terror.

Nawabi era burnt gates of the Faizabad Chowk area—the main arena of the 24^th October 2012 violence; courtesy Amaresh Misra

Nawabi era burnt gates of the Faizabad Chowk area—the main arena of the 24^th October 2012 violence; courtesy Amaresh Misra 

Pictures captured on mobile phones show goons having a free run and some Policemen left on the scene standing as mute spectators often in a huddle.

Crowds of looters intermixed with the Police just before the attack on historic arched gates of the city—24^th October 2012, Faizabad Chowk area—courtesy anonymous, Faizabad

    

Crowds of looters and arsonists shouting Jai Shree Ram—24^th October 2012, Faizabad Chowk area—courtesy Anonymous, Faizabad

Crowds of looters and arsonists shouting Jai Shree Ram—24^th October 2012, Faizabad Chowk area—courtesy Anonymous, Faizabad

 

Police in a huddle—24^th October 2012, Faizabad Chowk area—courtesy Anonymous, Faizabad

To be continued...