Thursday, June 7, 2012

Unlike China, India prefers being force-fed her destiny - By Seema Mustafa - DNA Analysis - DNA English daily newspaper, Mumbai, India

The general reaction by Media opinion writers in India's English newspapers, to US Secretary of Defense, Leon Panetta's new traps in which he would give his right hand to ensnare India, has been markedly confused and confusing. While practically the entire English print media is privately owned and commercially run, the follow the policy of running with the hare and hunting with the hounds. It is appalling that one of the supposedly most independent newspaper that had a very long tradition of being in constructive opposition to the establishment carried articles that urged the government to offer India to Leon Panetta on the silver platter; without bothering to take in the longer term consequences of India becoming a mercenary country totally geared to the military strategies of the world's doddering super power, that relentlessly follows the policies of perpetual wars for perpetual 'peace'.  In the following article Seema Mustafa has been more circumspect in not calling a spade a spade by merely hinting at India's subservient nature as compared to China's more independent world-view. The misfortune is that unlike China, India has remained a very closed country under British colonial rule and had been robbed of its true ethos of winning friends and influencing people, without resorting to arms. Knowledgeable circles are aware that India's partition was made on Churchill insistence that Britain and the West should keep some part to serve the strategic defense needs of the West. Pakistan was nothing but a specially created military outpost for the ne0-colinials. It is they that directed their major 'aid' to build up the military and even the nuclear capability. Now that the same captive Pak military is losing patience with US high-handedness, which gives a hoot for others’ notions of sovereignty, whenever it suits its own narrow objectives. Faced with dire consequences of its foolhardy foray into Afghanistan and deterioration of its relations with Pakistan, US has no shame in turning to India with open objective of dragging it into the quagmire of world of conflicts and wars. The US is confident that with people at the helm, like Manmohan Singh and Sonia Gandhi, and India's march to economic panacea being interrupted, India will be a piece of cake.

That will be a big mistake on the part of the US.

New developments in the Asian neighborhood give India many alternatives than to tamely succumb to US arm-twisting. It is time people like C. Raja Mohan read their blind endorsement of the US position again and again to find out where they are going astray. US is changing its military strategies to fighting its war, without sacrificing its own citizens and devising more advance technologies like drones et al. And at the same time it wants to make India's Jawans, the sacrificial lambs to shed their blood for the causes, that are foreign made and serve mainly foreign vested interests.  US will play the same game in India, as it did in Pakistan and try to bribe the military with goodies and promises of good times to come. It is time for all right thinking people to realize that India's freedom is too precious to be bartered away with some glittering pieces of hardware.

Ghulam Muhammed, Mumbai

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http://www.dnaindia.com/analysis/column_unlike-china-india-prefers-being-force-fed-her-destiny_1699636








Unlike China, India prefers being force-fed her destiny


The purpose of US defence secretary Leon E Panetta’s two-day visit to New Delhi was very clear. In immediate terms, it was to get India to partially bankroll US and Nato operations in Afghanistan and secure a commitment from New Delhi for a deeper engagement there; and in the longer term, to give effect to his new defence strategy, where India has the role of a ‘lynchpin’ in the proposed US ‘rebalancing towards the Asia-Pacific region.’

Panetta is said to have been fairly successful in getting India on board in stepping up training for the Afghan forces, committing more funds for the so-called reconstruction of Afghanistan programme, and, although this is yet to be confirmed, getting a tentative ‘yes’ for the supply of military tanks and armoured vehicles to Afghanistan. The US is clearly worried about Pakistan and while Panetta chose his words a little delicately even he could not get away from describing US relations with the Pakistan military as ‘complicated’ and ‘difficult’ and at times ‘frustrating.’

Despite this, he said, “The US cannot just walk away from that relationship, we have to continue to find areas for engagement.”

Panetta did not choose sensational terms but the problems with Pakistan were underlined, and rather effectively. It thus became all the more imperative for the US to draw India into Afghanistan, and while it has not been able to wear down the Indian resistance to sending troops to Kabul, it clearly hopes to step up the military engagement in terms of training and hardware. But it is the new defence strategy that needs to be watched as it indicates a major, and finally, formal shift in US policy. Panetta spoke of five crucial elements of the new strategy: one, the US military being developed into a ‘leaner force, casual, deployable, flexible on the cutting edge of technology’; two, rebalancing to shift the focus on two crucial areas, the Pacific-Indian Ocean and the Middle East: “We will expand our military partnerships and our presence in the arc extending from the Western Pacific and East Asia into the Indian Ocean region and South Asia”; three, decision to maintain presence all over the globe through an ‘innovative’ rotational approach in Asia, Africa, Europe and Latin America; four, develop the power to confront more than one enemy at a time; five, investments in cyber space, unmanned systems, special forces, and capability to mobilise when facing crisis situations.

It was clear from this that the US operations will expand significantly in the Pacific-Indian Ocean and it is here that it wants to develop India as a ‘lynchpin’ for joint action.
It has been clear for a long while now that the US has been targeting the Indian Navy to help it monitor the high seas, particularly the South China Sea that has elicited adverse reaction from China on more than one occasion. Panetta claimed that the US vision was for a ‘peaceful Indian Ocean supported by growing Indian capabilities’. And that the US would do its bit through the rotational presence of the Marines in Australia, Littoral Combat ships rotating through Singapore and other US military deployments in the region. 

He admitted that six of the US 11 aircraft carriers would be deployed in this region.

Panetta maintained that all this was in response to threats from tiny North Korea and other such ‘challenges’. He sought to make light about the perceived threat from China and the fact that the US was keen on developing India as a front-line state against China. He, however, claimed that China had the same goals as US and India and should realise that it too needed to work together to secure the seas and the shores. That China does not think along the same lines is a matter that had external affairs minister SM Krishna visiting Beijing on the exact same days as Panetta was in Delhi. The official Indian position has been to secure the waters for multilateral trade, and for the international community, but it remains to be seen whether it will be able to join an aggressive US military in the seas to ensure this.

The Indian strategic establishment is torn between the glamorous seduction by the US — promise of new aircraft, state-of-the-art technology and assurances like ‘India and the US are the only two countries to operate the P8-I maritime surveillance aircraft’ — and the dry but real China that is breathing down our borders. No seduction or glowing words here, but just the established presence of a growing country in the neighbourhood that would work better as a friend than an enemy. Hence the visible efforts by the Indian government to keep the balance between the two, a task that is becoming more difficult by the day in the absence of clear strategic vision. India is using its usual ad hoc approach to work out the details of these two relationships, and given the fact that both Washington and Beijing are thinking decades ahead, instead of determining its destiny New Delhi is getting into the precarious position of getting its destiny thrust on it.

Panetta’s message articulated at a meeting hosted by IDSA, New Delhi, did not leave much room for the usual hedging by the Indian establishment. He offered military support at all levels in return for Indian partnership in the region. He made it clear that the US was going to expand into the region one way or the other, and despite the funds crunch it was determined to ‘turn the corner’. He outlined recent successes as the US ability to have contained the al-Qaeda, of bringing democratic rule, as he put it, in Iraq and now in Afghanistan, of having impacted on terrorism, and of Nato action in Libya. It was clear that what many in this part of the world term as heinous action constitutes ‘success’ for the US and there has been no rethinking on these policies that are instead being given form and substance in the new defence strategy.

Panetta identified the possible new areas of US intervention as Yemen, North Africa, Somalia — which he said were ridden with terrorism — North Korea, Iran, Middle East and the new battlefield of cyber attacks. He reached out to India to grasp the aggressive US hand.

It is now for this government, crawling under the weight of inertia and stupidity, to decide where its fortunes really lie, and what it needs to do to keep itself from becoming just a beggar waiting for wishes to become horses, and emerging from the morass with its own strategic doctrine aimed at securing Indian interests in the region and the world.


 





Wednesday, June 6, 2012

India is fast becoming Pakistan

Thursday, June 07, 2012

https://twitter.com/#!/GhulamMuhammed

My tweet on US Defense Secretary Leon Panetta's visit to Indian Prime Minister:


With US & Israel hounding Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, India is fast becoming Pakistan

Sunday, June 3, 2012

1987 killings of Muslim youths in Hashimpura by PAC....Swamy wants PC role probed in massacre

Subramanian Swamy, President of Janata Party, is a well-known Muslim baiter. He dutifully follows extremist Hindutva organisation RSS's agenda; at times exceeding RSS zeal and doggedness in pursuing Anti-Muslim projects. His latest case involved a judicial challenge to Kerala State's participation in an Islamic Non-Banking Financial project in Kerala. He lost on technicalities. It is therefore quite a surprise that the news has broken out in several media simultaneously, the Swamy has taken up the cause of Muslim victims of Hashimpura murder spree by PAC. Muslims have by and large castigated the Congress government for the blatant massacre of innocent Muslims. Swamy has focused on the role of current Home Minister, P. Chidambaram, who was a minister of state in Home Ministry at that time and had gone on for an Aeriel survey of the area one week before the massacre. Congress Party is widely believe to have been involved at some level with thousands of communal riots in which predominantly Muslims were targeted by both the mobs and police too. This is the first time, a single Congressman, with administrative responsibility has come under scrutiny. Swamy is thorough in his home work. If he has proof of the involvement of the present Home Minister in the 25 year old massacre of 41 innocent Muslims by Provincial Armed Constabulary, in the manner of Hitlerian executions, Swamy may get his ardent wish to see P. Chidambaram lose his ministry and pay for any acts of commission or omission during his long career at the top of Congress government. That would be a big blow to Prime Minister Manmohan Singh government and  the 2014 prospects of Sonia Congress, that heavily depends on Muslim vote bank endorsement to tide over it marginal electoral shortfalls. 

Swamy's hint to approach International Court of Justice under relevant Roman Statutes, should alert Muslims groups to study of the same approach in the case of Gujarat massacre.
Ghulam Muhammed, Mumbai
<ghulammuhammed3@gmail.com>



Date: Sun, 3 Jun 2012 17:24:33 +0530
Subject: Fwd: Swamy wants PC role probed in massacre
From: arvind.lavakare@gmail.com
To: drmookhi@hotmail.com

This should interest you. And remember, Uttar Pradesh was, at the time of the massacre under reference, ruled by the Congress Party, with Veer Bahadur Singh as the Chief Minister.
 
Arvind Lavakare
: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2012/06/swamy-wants-pc-role-probed-in-massacre.html

Swamy wants PC role probed in massacre
SPECIAL CORRESPONDENT  New Delhi | 3rd Jun
anata Party president Subramanian Swamy has accused Home Minister P. Chidambaram of having a hand in the shooting of 41 Muslim youth by the Police Armed Constabulary personnel during the communal riots in Meerut's Hashimpura in 1987. Swamy said he was going to file an application in the court to expand the scope of the inquiry to interrogate Chidambaram, who was then Minister of State for Internal Security.
"Not as an accused at the moment, but I am entering the matter with new material. He (Chidambaram) will definitely be made an accused. If you ask me, personally, I will say he is an accused," said Swamy. However, he said he would file the application on a later date.
Twenty-five years after the incident took place on 22 May 1987, the case is still going on at the Tees Hazari and the Ghaziabad Sessions Courts and the next date of hearing is 4 June.
"The Muslim youth, aged between 15-35 years, were picked up from Hashimpura by UP PAC (Provincial Armed Constabulary) personnel and taken by truck to Ganga Canal near Muradnagar, 20 km away, ordered to get off the truck one by one and shot. The bodies were thrown into the canal. But obviously some were not shot, but they feigned death," said Swamy. Some of these youth later turned witnesses to the cold-blooded killing.
Swamy said Chidambaram had visited Meerut during the communal tensions and even conducted an aerial survey of the area on 14 May 1987: "He (Chidambaram) admitted to this (aerial survey) in Parliament. On 20 May 1987, he took a meeting with the PAC people and the Chief Minister. He never admitted to this meeting. The then MP from the area, Mohsina Kidwai, was never called for the meeting."
Swamy said he has written to Prime Minister Manmohan Singh that a special probe should be instituted to investigate Chidambaram's role in the incident that became infamous as the Hashimpura massacre, failing which he would approach the International Court of Justice under Article 17 of the Rome Statutes.
Swamy had fasted unto death in August 1987, demanding an inquiry into the massacre by a Central agency. A year later, he took out a padayatra from Meerut to Lucknow demanding a probe in the killing.
HTTP://BHARATKALYAN97.BLOGSPOT.IN/2012/05/SEEKING-PC-AS-CO-ACCUSED-IN-GENOCIDE-OF.HTML

23.5.12

Seeking PC as co-accused in Hashimpura, Meerut genocide of Muslim youths in UP - Dr. Swamy demands Special Court


Janata Party President Subramanian Swamy, who had walked from Makanpur to the national capital in June 1987 and sat on a fast for a week demanding justice, has not lost hope: “Justice for Hashimpura victim is crucial to the existence of India as we know it.” http://indiatoday.intoday.in/story/meerut-hashimpura-massacre-victims-await-justice/1/187360.html
May 23, 2012. India Today Archive, NATION, May 14, 2012 Story

Statement of Dr. Subramanian Swamy,
President of the Janata Party.

I demand that the Government set up a Special Court on the lines of 2G Spectrum matter to prosecute the culprits responsible for the State-sponsored genocide of Muslim youths belonging to the Hashimpura area of Meerut. This incident took place 25 years ago on the night between 22nd and 23rd May, 1987 when the U.P.PAC engaged in targeted killing of 42 Muslim youths. After a 7-day fast unto death undertaken by me at the Boat Club in August, 1987, the then Prime Minister Mr. Rajiv Gandhi to persuade me to break the fast, ordered an Inquiry. The report of the Inquiry Committee confirmed the basic facts I had alleged in several of my press conferences and which has been further upheld recently in India Today in its 14th May issue (Both Hindi and English editions).

The Government’s reluctance to take speedy action arises out of the involvement of the then Union Minister of State for Home Affairs, Mr. P. Chidambaram who directed the State-sponsored genocide of Muslim youths carried by the Provincial Armed Constabulary of U.P.

Although the prosecution of low level police personnel who carried out the dastardly killings is being carried in legal proceedings in Tis Hazari Court and Ghaziabad Sessions Court, the proceedings are taking place a snail’s pace, while those who ordered the genocide.

The Hashimpura State-sponsored genocide is a black mark on our ancient civilization and unprecedented since 1947. If the Prime Minister fails to take action, I shall seek impleadment in the courts to expedite the matter and seek Mr. Chidambaram be made co-accused.

( SUBRAMANIAN SWAMY )

Hashimpura massacre: Victims await justice
MOHAMMAD WAQAS | May 5, 2012 | 09:37

Zulfiqar Nasir
Zulfiqar Nasir 40

Nasir runs his father's company, which makes tubewell parts. "All of us were begging for our lives to be spared. In return, they were abusing us.Then I was shot and thrown into the canal. I don't knowhowlong I was senseless. When I regained consciousness, I found myself wounded and floating."

In Muslim pockets of Meerut, when someone wants to know how many years have elapsed since the Hashimpura massacre, the answer is usually the same: "It is as old as Zaibun Nisa's daughter." Zaibun, 47, lives in Hashimpura mohalla with her mother and her three daughters. With her old mother on a charpoy, Zaibun recalls, "It was an Alwida Juma (the last Friday of Ramadan, the month of fasting). My third daughter, Uzma, was born that day. Uzma's abba (father) gave her a fond look before leaving for prayers. He never returned."

It was 1987. The mood was tense and the environment vitiated in the backdrop of the Ram Janmabhoomi-Babri Masjid row. On May 19, a riot erupted in Meerut, to control which the army, Central Reserve Police Force and Provincial Armed Constabulary (PAC) were called in, besides the Uttar Pradesh Police. On May 22, soon after the Friday prayers, the army combed Hashimpura and other Muslim localities in the city. It arrested 644 people, of which 150 were from Hashimpura, and handed them over to PAC. At least 50 youngsters from Hashimpura were herded into a pac truck (URU 1493) and taken away to an unknown destination. Zaibun's husband, Iqbal, was one of them. Nineteen armed pac men had stood guard over them. Except for five youngsters, it turned out to be their last Alwida Juma. The pac men killed them and threw their bodies into the Upper Ganga Canal at Muradnagar near Delhi and some in the Hindon river in Ghaziabad. Iqbal, who used to work at a lathe machine in Jummanpura, was shot in the head. His body was later fished out of the Hindon.


Zaibun Nisa
Zaibun Nisa 47

Her husband Iqbal, who used to work in Jummanpura, was shot in the head.His bodywas later fished out of the Hindon river."After five years of married life, it has been a long 25 years of dreary existence as a widow."
Besides these, eight people were beaten to death in police custody. They were: Zahir Ahmad, Moinuddin, Salim aka Sallu, Minu, Mohammad Usman, Jamil Ahmad, Din Mohammad and Master Hanif.

After Independence, this is the largest number of custodial deaths in a single episode. The state machinery aided, abetted, or overlooked ghastly crimes during the anti-Sikh riots of 1984 and Gujarat's anti-Muslim riots of 2002. In Hashimpura, the state was the executioner. Ironically, many culprits of the 1984 and 2002 killings have been brought to justice, but the killers of Hashimpura have not been touched.

Established as a mohalla in 1933 by Mufti Hashmi, Hashimpura has around 600 households. Zulfiqar Nasir lives at the end of Zaibun's lane. Mohammad Usman, Mohammad Naim, Babuddin, Mujibur Rahman and Nasir were all shot at and flung into the canal. But they were alive and managed to escape. One of them got in touch with then MP Syed Shahabuddin, who with then MP Chandra Shekhar brought the massacre out in the open. Protests erupted, forcing then chief minister Veer Bahadur Singh to order an inquiry by Crime Branch's Crime Investigation Department (CBCID).


Mujibur Rehman
Mujibur Rehman 44

The migrant from Bihar is a factoryworker. He was shot in the chest. The father of two says he received no compensation. He filed an FIR in Murad Nagar police station, Ghaziabad.
"I am always ready to depose in the case. We want justice to be done to the victims and the culprits to be punished."

With that began a game by the police and administration to save the guilty. The system did its best to protect guilty policemen. cbcid took six long years before filing its report in 1994. The government filed a case against 19 PAC jawans in a Ghaziabad court in 1996. The court issued six bailable and 17 non-bailable warrants against the accused, but they never turned up even though they were still in government service. After a lot of media pressure, in May 2000, 16 of the 19 turned up in court. Between June and July all of them were freed on bail, the court reasoning that being government servants, they would not abscond.

In 2002, the Supreme Court, on the plea of the victims, transferred the case to Delhi's Tees Hazari court. From 2002 to 2004, the Uttar Pradesh government did not appoint a Special Public Prosecutor (SPP) for the case. From March 2004 to 2006, two SPPs were appointed. Currently, Satish Tamta is SPP and the hearing in the case is near completion.


Babuddin
Babuddin 42


The migrant worker was shot at twice,presumed dead and thrown into the river.He was fished out by a team led by then SP of Ghaziabad,Vibhuti Narain Rai.He lodged an FIR in the LinkRoad police station."Three labourers from Bihar were killed that day.None of their families got compensation."

The accused jawans were suspended from service for up to six months in 2000, only to be taken back later. Lawyer Vrinda Grover, who represented the victims during 2002-04, says, "We have learnt through rti that their annual confidential reports from 1987 to 2002 do not mention the criminal investigation going on against them. Not even the fact that they are charged with murder. These reports say they are disciplined policemen and fine kabaddi players. This is the real face of our police," she says.

Three of the accused are already dead. The rest are still weapon-carrying policemen. Shahabuddin, now 77, says, "All of them were on active service, deployed even on election duty. People accused of communal killing in custody were not dismissed." "There is an institutionalised anti-minority bias in the country's police. Only a handful of them commit the crime but the whole institution comes together to save them. CBCID dragged the probe for six years. Such wilful delay is meant to dilute the case," adds Grover.

The case stands on circumstantial evidence. The 41st Battalion of pac was on duty that day. The log book shows which truck went where, how much diesel it had, how many kilometres it logged, who was given which firearm. After the first three were shot, the remaining started fighting back barehanded. The pac men started firing indiscriminately on the truck. One of the pac men was hit by a bullet in friendly fire. Next day, he was taken to the hospital. His medical report is there on record.

By the time the truck started moving it was night, remembers Nasir. "We reached the canal around 9 p.m., after which the truck stopped. Three of us were ordered to get down. First, two PAC men held Mohammad Yasin from two sides and another shot him point-blank and threw him into the canal. Similarly, Mohammad Ashraf was disposed of. We resisted. Then they started firing on the truck indiscriminately," he says.

Mohammad Usman, now 55 and permanently disabled, lives in the Kancha ka Pul locality and sells fruits. He recounts: "It was Ramadan, but I was not fasting that day. We were living under curfew for the last six days and had no flour, milk or anything. How could we go out in the curfew?" he says, eyes moistening. Bullets shattered his hips and waist. Somehow, he pulled himself out of the canal. Around 3 a.m., a policeman came in a jeep and said, "Beta, I am taking you to the hospital, but don't mention PAC. If you do, we will inject you with poison and you will die within five minutes." Usman did as he was told, but later told his family what had happened.


Mohammad Naim
Mohammad Naim 43


He was not hit by bullets but he had already been beaten so much that he lay unconscious in the truck.Presumed dead, Naim was thrown into the canal along with the other bodies.
"We just get dates in courts. I am tired now. I have neither the money nor energy. Still I hope we will get justice."

Most of those handed over by the Army to PAC were sent to jail. Before that, they were beaten up in the Civil Lines area in which three of them died. Five were beaten to death in Fatehgarh jail. One of them was Mohd. Usman, whose 66-year-old widow Hanifa says, "We get date after date at the court, but no justice." Moinuddin, 50, one of the arrested, says, "Sarkar (government) does not recognise us as Indians. Else, the case would've been decided long ago." Grover says a, "protracted case always benefits the accused as many witnesses die and many begin to forget the details". Some of the witnesses of the Army still draw their pension but do not turn up even after summons. Grover fears that after such a long series of sustained institutional acts of sabotage, the victims may finally lose the case.

Janata Party President Subramanian Swamy, who had walked from Makanpur to the national capital in June 1987 and sat on a fast for a week demanding justice, has not lost hope: "Justice for Hashimpura victims is crucial to the existence of India as we know it."

http://indiatoday.intoday.in/story/meerut-hashimpura-massacre-victims-await-justice/1/187360.html

36 % of Maharashtra’s prisoners are Muslims - By Mohammed Wajihuddin - The Times of India, Mumbai

THE TIMES OF INDIA, MUMBAI DESERVES CREDIT FOR GIVING WELL-DESERVED IMPORTANCE TO TISS REPORT REPORTEDLY ON THE BEHEST OF STATE MINORITIES COMMISSION ON THE HIGH DETENTION RATE OF MUSLIMS (36% OF THE JAIL POPULATION TO ONLY 13% OF MUSLIM POPULATION IN THE STATE). HOWEVER, BOTH TIMES OF INDIA AND TISS ARE GUILTY OF IGNORING THE 800 POUND GORILLA IN THE ROOM. IT IS THE HEAVILY COMMUNALIZED STATE POLICE THAT IS HEAVILY POPULATED BY EXTREMIST HINDUTVA ELEMENTS. UNLESS THE COMMUNALIZED ELEMENTS WHICH ARE IN OVERWHELMING MAJORITY IN THE POLICE, ARE NOT ACKNOWLEDGED AS SUCH, EXPOSED AND CONTROLLED, THE STATE CANNOT ESCAPE BEING BRANDED AS A POLICE STATE. TISS HAS BLAMED THE SUPPOSED CRIMINALITY OF THE MUSLIMS ON LACK OF EDUCATION AND EMPLOYMENT OPPORTUNITIES. THAT FORMS THE BASIC REASONS OF MUSLIM BACKWARDNESS. BUT THAT DOES NOT AUTOMATICALLY TRANSLATES INTO INCREASED 'CRIMINALITY' OF THE MAHARASHTRA MUSLIMS. BY IGNORING THE HATE AND DISCRIMINATION BASE LINE OF ALL GOVERNMENT AND POLITICAL POLICIES AGAINST MUSLIMS, ANY ATTEMPT TO ERADICATE THE CANCER OF COMMUNALIZED DEMONIZATION  OF MUSLIMS WILL RESULT IN FAILURE. BOTH SONIA CONGRESS AND SHARAD PAWAR'S NATIONAL CONGRESS PARTY FEEL NO NEED TO CLEANSE THE POLICE MENTALITY AND REFUSE TO RECRUIT MUSLIMS IN THE POLICE FORCE WITH A VIEW TO PROMOTE SECULAR ETHOS IN SECURITY AGENCIES. IN FACT THEY STUBBORNLY CLING TO THEIR ANTI-MUSLIM AGENDA IN THE STATE OPENLY FLOUTING CONSTITUTIONAL NORMS TO TREAT ALL PEOPLE IN THIS MULTI-ETHNIC, MULTI-CULTURAL AND MULTI-RELIGIOUS STATE/NATION ON EQUAL FOOTING. THE HATE CAMPAIGNS ESPECIALLY IN POLICE FORCE SHOULD BE LEGALLY BANNED AND HEAVY PENALTIES SHOULD BE IMPOSED ON COMMUNAL ELEMENTS WHO COMMIT CRIMES IN THE NAME OF FIGHTING CRIMES.

Ghulam Muhammed, Mumbai
<ghulammuhammed3@gmail.com>

-----------------------


http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/36-of-Maharashtras-prisoners-are-Muslims/articleshow/13750117.cms

36 % of Maharashtra’s prisoners are Muslims

, TNN | Jun 3, 2012, 01.18AM IST
MLC Pasha Patel often jokes that if the number of Muslim prison inmates in Maharashtra keep increasing at the current pace, every jail will soon have an Eidgah. Patel's black humour may be a bit exaggerated, but it cannot be denied that the number of Muslims in jail is highly disproportionate to their population. And this disturbing fact has been reconfirmed by a recent report of two scholars, Dr Vijay Raghvan and Roshni Nair of the Centre for Criminology and Justice at the Tata Institute of Social Sciences (TISS).

Commissioned by the State Minorities Commission as a follow-up to the Sachar Committee report which lamented that "in Maharashtra Muslims account for 10.6% (2001 survey) of the general population, yet they comprise 32.4 % of the prison population" (the current prison population is 36%), the report is being hotly debated among government officials. Last week, at a meeting called by minorities affairs minister Naseem Khan, officials discussed a number of measures to not just prevent Muslim youth from committing crimes but also to provide legal aid to the imprisoned and rehabilitate them post-release. Among the plans in the pipeline are free legal aid to inmates, vocational training, sensitising the police and counselling and career guidance for Muslim youth in general.

Based on interviews with 339 Muslim inmates in 15 prisons, the TISS report unfortunately does not address the oft-raised question of alleged discrimination against Muslim offenders at the time of registering the case. "Our team's questions were first approved by the jail authorities," says Raghvan. A source reveals that at first some officials at Mantralaya were not in favour of allowing a headcount of, and interviews with, Muslim inmates. However, when the Minorities Commission and TISS team persisted, the officials relented on condition that they would vet the questionnaire. "They deleted the questions related to alleged torture and discrimination by the police," says the source.

Raghavan and senior criminal lawyer Majeed Memon point out that if offenders were aware of the Prohibition of Offenders Act, 1958, which can be invoked to avoid imprisonment if the offence is minor, many of them would not have been jailed. Memon cites the rash driving case of actor John Abraham who was let off under this Act. "An accused can give a bond of 12 or 24 months to the court, which then appoints a probation officer who monitors his behavior," explains Memon. "Only if he is found guilty of repeating an offence is he punished with imprisonment."

The report would appear to bear out the fact that some of the offences could well be minor. Raghvan says that 75.5% of the respondents were arrested for the first time and 24.5% were repeat arrestees. "This shows that majority of the respondents were not career criminals," says the report. Adds Raghavan, "We found that over 30% of the prisoners were not allowed to talk to their relatives at the time of arrest. This violates the rights of an accused."

The pertinent question remains: Why do so many Muslims join crime? The report discusses several reasons such as lack of resources and income opportunities, peer pressure and conflict with the police. An important one is the area of residence—many respondents who were involved in repeat offences came from neighbourhoods where, they said, they were witness to the flourishing of illegal activities since childhood. A considerable number were arrested for alleged forgery of documents, making fake currency notes, cheating and fraud. Since many Muslim ghettoes are blacklisted by the banks, even better educated people forge documents to get loans. "Some of them paid agents to make fake documents in order to get the loan," explains the report.

Although Dr Raghvan declines to discuss in detail the alleged police discrimination against Muslims, a few confessions do pertain to it. Sajid, a prison inmate with a criminal record, told the researchers: "I am trying to make a new beginning. Every time I start some work, the police arrest me on some charge or the other. They also demand money from me. Those who can pay are set free. The police are very powerful and can do anything."

Human rights activist Shabnam Hashmi cites the recent example of Kalyan resident Bilal Shaikh whom the police slapped with the non-bailable, cognisable Section 333 after he had a spat with traffic constables for jumping a signal. Assaulted brutally for "arguing" with the cops, Shaikh suffered a fracture to his right arm, was arrested and cooled his heels in prison for eight days while the four cops got bail on the same day since their offence, according to the FIR, was non-cognisable. "This shows the clear bias of the police against Muslim offenders," alleges Hashmi. The TISS report says that most Muslims echo these sentiments: "They view the police as an unjust system using unfair methods in the performance of their duties."


MAILER-DAEMON@mail.networksolutionsemail.com
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Sunday, May 27, 2012

Egyptian Is Counting on Worries of Elites - By David D. Kirkpatrick - The New York Times

Western Governments and media are hugely apprehensive about Muslim Brotherhood coming to power in Egypt, even if democratically. They had underestimated the will of the Egyptian people and had banked on military and liberals to carry the day for them into the future of continued servitude of the Egyptian people in the service of the WEST. However, unlike in Gaza, they cannot repudiate the open will of the people. They feel Egyptian elites will prefer to sell their nation to the WEST; but people's power is now unleashed and it is better that West should make peace with Islamists, who are willing to compromise and willing and able to finalize working relationship with the WEST. They will not be willing or crazy to throw away a historical chance for them to show to the World that Islam and Islamists can be trusted to opt for peace and cooperation, rather than confrontation and strife. The world can do business with them.
Ghulam Muhammed, Mumbai
<ghulammuhammed3@gmail.com>

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http://www.nytimes.com/2012/05/28/world/middleeast/ahmed-shafik-counting-on-egyptian-elites-fears.html?_r=1&emc=tnt&tntemail1=y&pagewanted=all

The New York Times

May 28, 2012


Egyptian Is Counting on Worries of Elites

Khalil Hamra/Associated Press


Ahmed Shafik, an associate of Hosni Mubarak, is set to face the Muslim Brotherhood’s candidate in the runoff in June.
By
Published: May 27, 2012
CAIRO — Ahmed Shafik said he never regretted calling former President Hosni Mubarak “a role model.”
Suhaib Salem/Reuters
A protest in Cairo on Sunday against Mr. Shafik, who suggested he would use executions and brutal force to restore order within a month and accused Islamists of harboring secret militias.

At the lunch of elite businessmen held this month by the American Chamber of Commerce in Egypt, an umbrella group for multinationals and those who work with them, the crowd erupted in applause.

It was a vivid demonstration of the unexpected surge of support that Mr. Shafik, a former air force general and Mr. Mubarak’s last prime minister, hopes will help him win a mid-June presidential runoff against Mohamed Morsi of the Muslim Brotherhood. A victory would make him Egypt’s first freely elected president, setting the template for the country’s post-Mubarak future.

Mr. Shafik, 70, and Mr. Morsi, 60, offer a rematch of the struggle that has driven Egyptian politics for six decades, between secular authoritarians and Islamists who promise a novel experiment in religious democracy.

Mr. Shafik’s bid for the presidency turns on the fears of an Islamist takeover on one hand and of pervasive lawlessness on the other. These fears are the glue that hold together his secular-conservative coalition of elite businessmen, former military officers, members of Egypt’s Coptic Christian minority and cosmopolitans who worry that Islamist electoral victories will mean a more pious and intolerant culture.

These fears were much in evidence at the American Chamber event. The well-heeled audience cheered as Mr. Shafik suggested that he would use executions and brutal force to restore order within a month, repeatedly mocked the Islamist-led Parliament and accused, against all evidence, the Islamists of harboring hidden militias to use in a civil war.

“The problem with security is that we don’t want security because we want to be the only ones with militias,” Mr. Shafik said, referring clearly, if obliquely, to the Islamists. “Because we want to turn Egypt into a Lebanon.”

But there was hope, he added: “The Egyptian people, contrary to the accusations, are obedient.”

Mr. Shafik’s chances in the runoff are hard to assess because of the popularity of Islamist politics here and the Brotherhood’s unrivaled political machine. The Brotherhood and other Islamists won three-quarters of the parliamentary vote, but roughly split the first round of presidential voting with more secular candidates. Mr. Morsi and Mr. Shafik each received only about a quarter of the vote, with a narrow majority of voters backing candidates sharply critical of both the Brotherhood and former Mubarak officials.

It is too soon to guess how those voters will break. And by Sunday the three runners-up had all filed various legal challenges to the results with the unpredictable presidential election commission of top judges. Its ruling, which is final, is expected by Tuesday.

Fighting off other Islamists during the campaign, the Brotherhood reverted to an older style of religious politics, describing its program as a distillation of Islam and calling for Islamic law. But since the revolution, the Brotherhood has also sought to reassure Egyptians that it supports equal citizenship for all, including women and Christians, and does not plan to impose legal restrictions on personal behavior or expression. At Christmas, Brotherhood leaders visited churches while younger members stood guard outside.

In a television appearance on Saturday night, Mr. Morsi tried to woo Egypt’s Christian minority, which is about 10 percent of the population. “Egypt belongs to all,” he said, implicitly blaming Mr. Shafik and the Mubarak government for their grievances. “Who killed them in protests? Who prevented them from building churches? The old regime, not us.”

Mr. Morsi sent Khairat el-Shater, the Brotherhood’s dominant strategist and a business tycoon, to represent the Brotherhood at another American Chamber lunch. Mr. Shater gave a speech so committed to promoting free markets, foreign investment and other business interests that some in the Chamber said it was as if he was reading their own talking points.

But the audience was too afraid of the Islamists’ potential social agenda to give them any credit, two people who were present said.

In the runoff, Mr. Shafik has sought to seize the mantle of the “glorious revolution.” After the applause for his admiration of Mr. Mubarak at the American Chamber lunch, Mr. Shafik specified that what he admired was his friend’s ability to keep his personal feelings out of his official decisions.

But critics say they feel like the revolution never happened. For a decade before Mr. Mubarak’s ouster, Mr. Shafik had been acclaimed as a potential inside candidate to succeed him, with the blessing of the elite within Egypt’s military-backed autocracy.

Mr. Shafik’s swearing-in as prime minister in January last year was considered a sop to the military and the old guard, not the protesters, to shore up Mr. Mubarak’s support. Mr. Shafik was forced to resign a month later after a confrontation on a talk show, and since then such blowups have become a trademark.

“I am not going to talk about that,” he snapped recently at an Al Jazeera interviewer, when she pressed him to clarify his ambiguous views on the political power of the military. Only a military man like him could “prevent any early friction,” Mr. Shafik continued, raising his voice and leaning forward from the edge of his chair. “I am just guaranteeing the success of the experience!”

In Mr. Shafik’s short platform, he calls for the military to play a continuing political role as “the guardian of the constitutional legitimacy.” He calls the military’s economic activities — which include a far-flung commercial empire with little military application — “a strategic necessity.” And he seems to endorse continuing Egypt’s much hated, 30-year-old “emergency law” allowing extrajudicial detention. In cases of emergency, his platform suggests, the application of such measures should still be exempt from parliamentary review.

On the economy, Mr. Shafik has said he opposes progressive income taxes and has talked about big development projects. As a former aviation minister in charge of airports and the state airline, he was known for his “iron fist,” especially on labor demands.

But he has offered little indication of support for free enterprise or markets. As aviation minister, he said that improving aviation through private carriers at the expense of the state-run airline would be counterproductive.

He, like other Mubarak associates, also faces lingering allegations of corruption. On Sunday, a Cairo court sentenced Zakaria Azmi, one of Mr. Mubarak’s closest aides, to seven years in prison and a $6 million fine for corruption.

Mr. Shafik has sometimes pledged to name a Christian woman his vice president. But at the American Chamber lunch he appeared uncertain. “I wish I could find a Christian lady who’s highly qualified,” he said.

Instead, he declined to rule out naming Mr. Mubarak’s former vice president and feared spy chief, Omar Suleiman. “If it was possible for the expertise of Omar Suleiman to be used in any place, why not use it?” he said, to big applause.

He mocked the activists who have vowed to take to the streets for a “second revolution” if Mr. Shafik or Mr. Suleiman becomes president. “It is not like we have parents who say, ‘This is allowed or forbidden, if this person runs then the country will be on fire, or if this person works we will go to the streets in arms,’ ” he said.

He added: “The state has to be very strong. The strongest thing should be the state.”


Mayy El Sheikh contributed reporting.
A version of this article appeared in print on May 28, 2012, on page A4 of the New York edition with the headline: Egyptian Is Counting On Worries Of Elites.
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Friday, May 25, 2012

Lemonade girl (1-minute video)

Anti-Muslim bullying in schools has increased by 15% according to a CAIR study.

As-salaamu alaykum (peace be to you),

Recently, the parents of nine-year-old Muslim twins reported to CAIR that
their children had been facing chronic, anti-Muslim bullying for years. They told us their son was taunted because of his religion and ethnicity, and was told, “All Muslims are dirty and they kill people.” Their daughter was allegedly slapped, hit in the eye and told “go back to your country.”

Not on CAIR’s watch
. When we learned of the abuse, our staff attorneys contacted school officials right away and were speaking to the district superintendent within days. Beyond helping these children, CAIR is committed to assisting the school district develop a more inclusive and safe environment for minority students.

After CAIR’s work on her behalf, the daughter set up a lemonade stand and, with her brother’s help, raised $50 for CAIR
. Her parents matched her gift to honor her resourcefulness.

Here's what she did: (1-minute video)



Will you embrace this girl’s supportive spirit?

Help us meet our quarterly goal of raising $180,000
. We’re making progress, but we’re not there yet.

Anti-Muslim bullying is a challenge more of our children are facing, so we at CAIR are committing more resources into combating this problem. We count on you to enable us to be there when parents seek help for their children.

Without the blessings of Allah (SWT) and financial support from people just like you, these children and their family would have been left to face the hate alone.

I promised the nine-year-old who raised $50 for CAIR that I would tell you about her hard work. I hope she inspires you to give a gift so I can go back and tell her how God magnified her generosity through people like you.
DONATE

Thank you for your support and may God bless you.


Nihad Awad
CAIR National Executive Director


Please send this story to your friends and family, and share on social media.

All contributions to CAIR are zakat-eligible, but not tax deductible; tax-deductible status is pending.

Wednesday, May 23, 2012

Families find few avenues for care and treatment of the mentally ill - By Malia Politzer & Vidya Krishnan - Livemint.com


Families find few avenues for care and treatment of the mentally ill

Malia Politzer & VidyaKrishnan

Santosh Kumar Bhowmik, a 67-year-old retired professor, sits erect on a marble bench at a cafeteria at Dilli Haat, an outdoor food plaza and handicrafts bazaar in Delhi, sipping Sprite from a plastic cup while keeping a watchful eye on his son.

At 33, the son conducts himself with the shy deference of an adolescent. At the moment, he is facing a metal pole, muttering quietly under his breath to people no one else can see or hear.

Bhowmik’s son Surjit suffers from schizophrenia, a mental illness that typically makes it difficult for an individual to think logically, have normal emotional responses, and distinguish between real and unreal experiences.

“I do not know what will happen to him after I am no more,” Bhowmik said. “I leave it up to God.”

He is not alone in his anxiety.

The ministry of health and and family welfare estimates that as many as one out of four Indian families will have at least one member diagnosed with some sort of mental illness. At least 7% of the population is estimated by the ministry to suffer from “severe” mental illness.

Yet, with only 37 government institutions to care for the mentally ill in a nation of more than one billion people, there are limited long-term resources for families struggling to look after a relative who needs psychiatric treatment. In northern India, there isn’t a single government-run rehabilitation centre where people with incurable mental ailments can be admitted.

“For 18 years, I have cared for my son at home because I do not have a choice,” said Bhowmik. “It is not enough to give medicine to patients suffering from schizophrenia. They require special care, which we cannot give at home, but I do not have the money to institutionalize him in a private facility. I don’t like to think about what will happen to him after I am gone.”

In the 1980s, the World Health Organization released the startling findings of a two-part study on mental illness: Patients suffering from schizophrenia in developing countries such as India, Nigeria and Colombia had better long-term outcomes than those in developed countries, which included Denmark, the US and Canada.

The culmination of decades of research, the study examined long-term treatment of more than 1,000 schizophrenic patients across 16 countries, concluding the greater levels of acceptance, stronger social ties, and greater family involvement more common in developing countries appeared to be “key positive factors” linked to patient recovery.

While the study’s findings have been criticized on the grounds that it may have ignored patients locked away by families concerned about the social stigma associated with mental illness, it contained important insights into its treatment.

“Social ties are one of the intervening factors that affect patient outcomes. There was another study in the UK which looked at different ethnic groups, and Asian families with stronger social ties showed better recovery and remission rates,” said Manasi Sharma, a research coordinator at Delhi-based Centre for Excellence in Mental Health. “But caution has to be exercised by looking at these studies—it can go both ways. Families have been known to shun patients, too.”

Should the study be conducted in India today, it would likely yield very different results. Economic liberalization and policies successful in lifting millions of people out of poverty have also reshuffled social structures. Large joint families that used to be the norm have given way to the smaller, nuclear families typical of most Western countries.

Nirmala Srinivasan, founder of the Association for Mentally Disabled, a support group for caregivers to the mentally ill in Bangalore, said there is no doubt that the burden of caring for the mentally ill is growing.

The daughter of a woman diagnosed with schizophrenia and the primary caregiver to another close family member struggling with mental illness, Srinivasan has unique insights into how deteriorating social support networks have burdened modern day caregivers.
“I grew up in a large south Indian orthodox Brahmin family, with a lot of widowed aunts. 
It was a very large joint family, so I never felt the burden of my mother’s care,” said Srinivasan, who fondly recalls a childhood filled with neighbours, festivals and a family that worked together to manage her mother’s illness, to make sure that her mother always felt included and was never alone.

“But now there’s an issue with inadequate family resources, particularly among middle-class families that have migrated to urban centres,” she said. “My father had a tremendous in-house support network. That is completely lacking for caregivers across the country today.”

The growing verticality of cities, which stacks families into isolated apartment units, also serves to isolate them, while exacerbating the stigma associated with mental illness, Srinivasan said.

“They won’t seek help if there’s a crisis unless the (patient) becomes violent. They don’t want to have to explain it to the neighbours the next day,” she explained. “Sometimes I think that the mentally ill in slums may fare better during emergencies than middle-class families, because in slums you can’t hide an emergency. Whether it’s a mental crisis or labour pains, the entire community will rally and bring them to a hospital. And if it’s a village, they’ll put them in a bullock cart.”

Paying for long-term care can also leave families in a financial hole, particularly those who lack insurance.

“I have no options, I cannot even get a loan,” said a woman who’s a full-time caregiver for two family members—a father who suffers from dementia and a brother diagnosed with schizophrenia. “For poor people, there are loan options, but for the middle class, there is nothing. And mental illness affects all income levels, so the issues cut across income levels too.”

Taking on the mantle of the caregiver eventually forced her to quit her full-time job, said the woman, who spoke on condition of anonymity. The scant wages she earns as a freelancer in the social development sector makes hiring any sort of full-time help out of the question.

Finding trained nursing attendants is difficult and costly—a full-time trained nursing attendant costs Rs.35,000-40,000 a month plus food, and adult diapers (now necessary for her father’s care) cost her approximately Rs.300 a day. Even keeping a full-time maid is hard as most don’t stay, unnerved by her brother’s erratic behaviour.

Even while families are increasingly feeling the pinch, state governments are yet to step up to provide viable alternatives. This void is most keenly felt by families living in northern India. As of now, there is not a single government-run rehabilitation centre in the region where patients with incurable mental ailments can be admitted for long-term care.

But the ripple effects of government apathy in the North are also felt in the South, where the few private rehabilitation centres that exist have learned to be wary when approached by northern families.

“After very bitter experiences in the past, we are hesitant to admit patients based in northern India. The likelihood of abandonment is very high and the distances make following up with the families very difficult for us,” said M. Ranganathan, a caregiver at Family Fellowship Society (FFS) in Bangalore.

Ranganathan retired from the National Institute of Mental Health and Neuro Sciences in Bangalore after four decades of work in the area of psychiatric social work. He cited three recent instances when families based in Delhi abandoned the patients at FFS.

“They did not pay the monthly charges and stopped answering our phone calls. Eventually, we had to seek police assistance to get the patients back to their homes, as we cannot take care of patients without financial assistance,” he added.

Bhowmik’s is one of 25-odd families that came together to fill the void for rehabilitation centres in Delhi three years back by forming a social support group of caregivers and mentally ill patients.

Rajeshwari Iyer, one of the founders of the group Roshni, shows through personal example how strong family support can make or break recovery for a person struggling with mental illness. Her daughter Madhu was diagnosed with schizophrenia when she was 16 years old. Now 34, she is working as a receptionist at a doctor’s office and hopes to lead a normal life—perhaps even get married.

Her own recovery has inspired her to help others struggling with mental illness. “In the absence of my mother, I try to help patients and even counsel families based on my experience as a patient,” said Madhu.

Her mother knows all too well what can happen when the primary caregiver passes away, and no long-term care facilities exist. Three months ago, she received a call from the Delhi Police asking that she help with someone they suspected was mentally ill.

Iyer arrived at a dilapidated home that looked abandoned. Living inside, in the dark, was an unshaven man with dreadlocks and an insect-infested beard.

“His legs were gangrenous,” she recalls, shuddering. She learned from neighbours that the man suffered from psychosis and had been cared for by his parents, who passed away several months back. His brothers and sisters all lived in Delhi, but refused to come forward to claim him, saying there was no way they could care for both him and their own families.

Iyer was able to intervene and get the man accepted at a government hospital. But there are many others who are not so fortunate.

“I remember one mentally ill man whose primary caregiver died,” she said. “His brothers would not take him in and put him on the streets. Three days later, he was dead.”

Barring government intervention, the group members have no choice but to take matters into their own hands. “In Delhi, it frustrates me that being the national capital and despite having resources at command, not a single home for mentally ill patients exists,” said Bhowmik. “My request to families in Delhi will be to start a self-help movement, mobilize resources instead of waiting for the government to pitch in.”

malia.p@livemint.com

This is the first part of a two-part series on mental illness. Next: Homes for mentally ill homeless in south India leave much to be desired.