Monday, August 24, 2009

The Times of India does it again -

Monday, August 24, 2009

The Times of India does it again -

Nobody, and especially not a Muslim observer, would have any sympathy for BJP, if it goes down in tatters. However, the way TOI's TIMES NOW's Arnab Goswamy is going about, people have every right to suspect that media is now making news and organizing history in the making in a manner smacking of fascist times. 

Some can say, TIMES NOW has taken out a supari on BJP, on behalf of some BJP rivals, who want to decimate opposition for good. This kind of raw, unbridled and unaccountable power of media is most dangerous for the nation at large. 

Arnab picks on words that mean different at different levels and brings them to the lowest common denominator. Jaswant Singh, Sudheendhra Kulkarni and Arun Shourie are all intellectuals who do not speak the language of the street. Arnab twists their words and their meaning and instigates his victims into taking steps that otherwise they will never choose, if unprovoked.Humpty Dumpty, Kati Patang are words with deeper meaning than their apparent common use, which is preferred by Arnab. 

His interview with RSS sarsanghchalak was fraught with leading questions and it is a pity that a person like Mohan Bhagwat fell for Arnab's game. It is widely believed that Jaswant Singh was sacked directly as suggested by Arnab's interview provocations goading Bhagwat to call for 'off with the heads'.

Arnab comes out with instant conspiracy theories like a palace coup and puts people at serious disadvantage figuring out what is the real state of affair. Media should inform and not confuse common people with outlandish allegations of conspiracies being hatched, just on the basis of public statements by emotionally enraged commentators.

It is quite possible that some good for the nation may still come out with the turn of events, but a check on the likes of Arnab Goswamy is a must to shield the nation from upheavals caused by internal strifes.


Ghulam Muhammed, Mumbai

ghulammuhammed3@gmail.com

www.GhulamMuhammed.Blogspot.com

 

Fwd: [nrindians] Words worth: Mr Maulvi's English August



---------- Forwarded message ----------

From: MB Qasmi <manager@markazulmaarif.org>
Date: Mon, Aug 24, 2009 at 12:30 PM

Subject: [nrindians] Words worth: Mr Maulvi's English August


http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/news/india/Words-worth-Mr-Maulvis-English-August/articleshow/4926222.cms

The Times of India


Words worth: Mr Maulvi's English August


Abdul Hameed starts his day with half-a-dozen newspapers, four of which are in English. Later, the 25-year-old logs on to news websites and sits down to write news reports that he contributes to English news portals and magazines. He hopes that he will end up as a feature writer with an English magazine. 

This is not what your standard madrassa graduate dreams of. But Hameed, an aalim (graduate) from the Islamic seminary Darul Uloom Deoband in Uttar Pradesh, represents a modern rivulet watering the mindset of maulvis in Mumbai. In the Deoband school, English was treated like an alien tongue, the currency of the Christian West. But another organisation called Markazul Maarif Education and Research Centre (MMERC), which is devoted to Muslim upliftment, is all for linguistic freedom. In the last decade or so, MMERC's modest 'campus' — a group of rented rooms in an old building near Crawford Market (the school is moving to Jogeshwari) — has trained over 300 maulvis (including Hameed) to speak English, in order to prepare them for jobs in India and overseas. A brainchild of perfume baron and member of Parliament from Assam Badruddin Ajmal, MMERC recently awarded Diplomas in English Language and Literature (DELL) to 25 maulvis at a convocation. "They are not just encouraged to speak in English, but even told to dream in English," says Maulana Burhanuddin Qasmi, MMERC's director, who has made watching news on television mandatory. This is quite unlike most madrassas where television is banned. 

These unlikely votaries of English fly in the face of the ideology of the Deoband, which started as a madrassa in 1866 with one teacher and a lone student, Mahmoodul Hasan. The main purpose of the school was to prepare armies of holy men to oppose British imperialism, and Hasan went on to lead the nationalist ulema in undivided India. Since English was seen as a imperialist, and therefore hostile, tongue, Deoband had an adversarial relationship with Sir Syed Ahmed Khan's pro-English MAO College, which later became the Aligarh Muslim University. 

Although English still doesn't have many takers on the Darul's sprawling campus dotted with the minarets of several mosques, a number of seminarians who graduate from there turn their steps to the MMERC. "English is undeniably the world's language," says Javed Iqbal, a Deoband graduate who is researching Hadees (Prophet Mohammed's traditions) at the Mumbai centre. "We can't escape its influence." 

Iqbal, who like his comrades crams English with a messianic zeal, is keen to use the language to counter numerous misconceptions about Islam. Like Muslims everywhere, these maulvis blame the English press for fanning Islam-bashing, especially in the West, but now they have realised that English can be the cure too, if they can use it for dissemination. 

The wooden boards at the centre are pasted with articles and letters by MMERC alumni in various English publications. One prolific letter writer, Mohammed Ashraf, with 82 published letters on topics ranging from talaq to Taslima Nasreen, was feted at the recent convocation. "We only keep the articles published in English newspapers and magazines because almost everyone here can write in Urdu," says the director, agreeing that many a maulvi might be secretly dashing off love letters to an undisclosed beloved. 

Before they landed here, few of these bearded men had heard of Shakespeare. Now the skull-capped, attar-daubed maulvis can quote the Bard's sonnets. Ruskin Bond was a complete stranger to them and Khushwant Singh was no more than a purveyor of smut. Now, they revere these writers.

Sunday, August 23, 2009

Attack on PA Muslim Business Probed as Hate Crime / CAIR Most-Viewed Non-Profit on YouTube

August 23, 2009 Forward to a Friend Support CAIR Contact Us Update Your Profile
Untitled Document

BREAKING NEWS: CAIR Most-Viewed Non-Profit on YouTube
For the past two days, CAIR has been the most-viewed non-profit channel on YouTube. SEE: http://www.youtube.com/user/CAIRtv

FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE

CAIR: Attack on Penn. Muslim Business Probed as Hate Crime
Vandals scrawl anti-Iranian graffiti inside ransacked Palestinian-American store

(WASHINGTON, D.C., 8/23/09) – A prominent national Islamic civil rights and advocacy group reported today that anti-Iranian graffiti was scrawled inside a Philadelphia store ransacked by vandals earlier this week.

According to the Washington-based Council on American-Islamic Relations (CAIR), the vandals also overturned counters, broke glass windows and doors and scattered food and other items around the store, which is owned by Muslim Palestinian-Americans.

Local and national law enforcement authorities are reportedly investigating the incident as a hate crime.

SEE: Vandalism at Penn. Business Probed as Hate Crime

SEE ALSO: Philadelphia Muslim Store Target of Apparent Hate Crime

“We hope that the perpetrators of this crime will be brought to justice and ask that all relevant hate crime enhancements be added to any criminal charges,” said CAIR National Communications Director Ibrahim Hooper.

In 1982, Pennsylvania passed the "Ethnic Intimidation and Institutional Vandalism Act,” which offers additional charges for those who engage in “ethnic intimidation.”

SEE: What is a Hate Crime?

Hooper urged American Muslims and other minority groups to review advice on security procedures contained in its "Muslim Community Safety Kit."

SEE: CAIR Muslim Community Safety Kit

CAIR is America's largest Muslim civil liberties and advocacy organization. Its mission is to enhance the understanding of Islam, encourage dialogue, protect civil liberties, empower American Muslims, and build coalitions that promote justice and mutual understanding.

- END -

CONTACT: CAIR National Communications Director Ibrahim Hooper, 202-488-8787 or 202-744-7726, E-Mail: ihooper@cair.com; CAIR Communications Coordinator Amina Rubin, 202-488-8787 or 202-341-4171, E-Mail: arubin@cair.com

Council on American-Islamic Relations
453 New Jersey Ave, S.E., Washington, D.C., 20003
Council on American-Islamic Relations Copyright © 2008 All rights reserved.

Mawdudi and Jihad :Praveen Swami’s Distortion in 'The Hindu' - By Iqbal A. Ansari

Mawdudi and Jihad :Praveen Swami's Distortion in the Hindu

                                             

Iqbal  A.Ansari

.

1. In the opening paragraph of the article "Where the state pays for teachers of hate", in the Hindu of July 23, 2009, Praveen Swami attributed to Abul Ala Mawdudi, the founder of Jamaat-e- Islami, the exhortation to his followers to change the old tyrannical system and establish a just new order by the power of the sword.

1.1 The tenor of Swami's write- up and its intended impact on readers and Indian policy makers is obviously to warn them against entrusting the responsibility of school teaching work in Kashmir upon a group whose ideologue Mawdudi preached hatred against India/ Hindus and who advocated the use of sword against the tyrannical Indian system.

2. Having familiarity with the writings of Mawdudi, I felt that the present indiscriminate use of force by Kashmiri militants, whose victims, as of state forces, are usually innocent people, is wrongly being attributed to Mawdudi's ideology of Islam. Having read his extensive book on Jihad in Islam, I wrote to the editor asking him to give the reference of  Swami's quotation and also pointed out the distorted translation of the 'Anjuman Nusratul-Islam' as Society for the Victory of Islam, given by Swami as 'Nusrat' always means 'help/ support' and not 'victory'. 

3. Editor N.Ram has kindly sent the following reference supplied by Swami: 

        It is to serve this end that Islam seeks to press into service all the forces which can

         bring about such a revolution. The term which covers the use of all these forces is

         Jihad'. To alter people's outlook and spark a mental and intellectual revolution

         through the medium of speech (*) and the written word is a form of Jihad. To

         change the old tyrannical system and establish a just new order by the power of the

         sword is also Jihad, as is spending wealth and undergoing physical exertion for

          this cause.               

He has also provided the following para of the English translation based on Mawdudi'sspeech of 1939(not 1945 as suggested by Swami), when World War II had broken out in Europe.

   If Islam is a "Religion", and Muslims are a "Nation", according to the commonly   

   accepted understandings of these terms, then Jihad - despite the fact that it has been

   dignified with the title "The Best of all Prayers" in Islam - becomes a meaningless and

    useless term. But Islam is not the name of a mere "Religion", nor is Muslim the title of 

    a "Nation". The truth is that Islam is a revolutionary ideology which seeks to alter the

    ial order of the entire world and rebuild it in conformity with its own tenets and

    ideals. "Muslims" is the title of that "International Revolutionary Party" organized by

    Islam to carry out its revolutionary programme. "Jihad" refers to that revolutionary

  struggle and utmost exertion which the Islamic Nation/Party brings into play in order to

   achieve this objective.

3.1 Further N.Ram has solely relied on Yogendra Sikand as a sufficient authority on translation of Arabic-Urdu term 'Nusrat' as Victory, which, therefore, in his view did not need any correction.

4. I acquired the full text of the translation of Mawdudi's 1939 speech, wherein the entire thrust is against the western imperialism, nationalism and capitalism, which in his view constituted a tyrannical system which had drenched the entire world in the bloodbath of an unholy war (1938-9).

4.1  The particular quotation occurs in the context of Mawdudi's "purely academic point of view" offering his explanation of Islamic religion, nation and jihad.

4.2  Given the intellectual climate of 1920s to 40s, Mawdudi was a bitter critic of nationalism, including Jinnah's Muslim nationalism. Hence, his opposition to the demand for a Muslim Pakistan and founding of the Jamaat-e-Islami with a non-territorial mission in 1941, when Muslim nationalism was at its peak. He considered Islam an international revolutionary ideology devoted to justice, equality and fraternity for entire mankind.

4.2  It is in this context of Western imperialism and World War II that he gives an inclusive explanation of jihad. In the quotation provided by N.Ram, Mawdudi explains that jihad is struggle and exertion against evil order which may be undertaken by speech and writing and by sacrificing wealth and one's energy though it also included armed struggle ( for example   for liberation of subjugated people.)

5.  In Swami's opening 'oracle', the phrasing as well as the context gets distorted by selectively using only 'the power of the sword' (implied to be used against India/ Hindus) ignoring other forms of jihad as peaceful struggle. Though the reference quoted by N.Ram is correct, he does not perhaps know the desired end for which according to Mawdudi, 'Islam seeks to press into service all the forces which can bring about such a revolution'. In the passage preceding the quotation Mawdudi observes:" Islam has no vested interest in promoting the cause of one nation or another…The sole interest of Islam is the welfare … (and) reforms for the benefit of mankind".

Later in the same speech he defined Islamic mission as "a call to join a movement of social revolution…(whose) main impact fell on those who reduced common humanity to status of slaves, namely the religious priests or clerics, the political hierarchy of kings, nobles and ruling classes and the  economic hierarchy of userers, landlords and monopolists".

6.  It may be kept in view that even against the tyrannical Western imperialism; Mawdudi did not advocate 'use of sword'. In his book Jihad in Islam (serialized in Urdu journal 1927/ first publication 1930), he ruled out any use of force for territorial expansion or subjugation of others or for religious conversions. Moreover during armed hostilities non- combatants must enjoy protection as provided for under Geneva Conventions, prohibiting selection of sites, weapons and techniques used by terrorists which are sure to kill and harm innocents.  

7.  How selective non- contextual quotation from Mawdudi has caused serious distortion can be understood by having a look at the five- year programme that he laid down for his followers in independent India in a speech delivered in Madras in April 1947.

His programme gave top priority to putting an end to the communal conflicts caused by antagonistic nationalism of Muslims and Hindus for share in power and resources. Secondly, he wanted Muslims to practise Islamic egalitarianism and become champions of socio- cultural reform for all oppressed people. Third point of emphasis related to Muslim intellectuals, writers and journalists not to harp on deprivations suffered by Muslims rather to present a positive message for all weak and vulnerable groups.

The fourth point emphasized adoption of all Indian regional languages, instead of just over-owning Urdu. [Reference- Khutbai Madras (Urdu) - (Madras lecture delivered on 26th April 1947) booklet published by Markazi Maktaba-i-Islami, New Delhi, pp 31-39]

7.1  This in his view constituted the cause of Islamic revolution in India in which not only sword was ruled out, but members of the Jamaat were asked to even renounce their legitimate rights, so that they could gain in moral stature. He prescribed patience/ forbearance, perseverance and practical wisdom as qualities to be achieved by Islamic revolutionaries. The Jamaat never thought of even drills for physical fitness.

8.  It is a sad story that Mawdudi and his Jamaat in India and Pakistan lamentably failed to live up to their profession. In Pakistan circumstances seem to have forced the Jamaat into acquiring a Pakistani Muslim nationalist character without any thrust for revolutionary egalitarianism.

In India the Jamaat has always been a misfit owing basically to non- contextual/ahistorical understanding of Islamic mission in the subcontinent..Moreover in spite of using the terminology of revolution and liberation, Mawdudi's Islam is past oriented and based on theological reasoning of jurists of medieval times.

9.  However, whatever its other failings, the mainstream Jamaat of India as well as Pakistan and Jammu and Kashmir have not swerved from their constitutionally binding ethico- legal framework of peaceful means. In the event of use of force, as in J&K, the Kashmiri Jamaat has insisted on strictly observing the humanitarian law of armed hostilities.

9.1  I recall Syed Ali Shah Jeelani making a statement for protection of civilians during hostilities in October 1992 soon after his release from jail, for which I and my senior Gandhian friend Jai Ram Sahni, who visited the valley to inquire into human rights violations, complimented  him when we met him  at his residence on 27 October 1992.

 9.2  Similarly when I individually met most leaders of 'Azadi' in Kashmir in September, 2006, we found among others, Jeelani and President of Jamaat –e- Islami J&K most emphatic in their support of our minimum agenda for peace under the Citizens Declaration for Protection of Civilians in All Situations of Use of Force, campaign for which was inaugurated with your signature.

9.3  During May 2008, when I visited Pakistan, it was again the  Jamaat- e-islami,Pakistan including Dr.Khurshid Ahmed, who extended whole- hearted support to the Declaration against killing of innocents. Jamaat- e- Islami of India has all along been extending full support to our peace mission.

10. I would however not like any such ideological group to enjoy monopoly over curriculum and course design and teaching of school children. In case any policy decision has been taken in J&K let it be made more broad – based

11.  It is for N.Ram, who I consider a distinguished editor of a world-class institution of journalism, having denied to me the privilege of further communication, to rectify the situation created by Swami's repetitive writings on terrorism exclusively dealing with 'Muslim jihadis', about whom he always authoritatively reports how a terror attack was carried out just within a few hours after the incident with the certainty that even CBI would not claim after months of investigation.

12  The Hindu needs to give a special assignment to Praveen Swami or to someone else to at least once publish a write up on the brutal unprovoked killings of innocents including children and women by security forces in Kashmir during the last two decades, some of which we investigated under the Coordination Committee on Kashmir constituted jointly by me and Justice Tarkunde in 1990-91.

12.1  Why should the massacre of 3000 innocent Bangla speaking Muslims in Nellie, Assam in February 1983 in just six hours not figure as one of the greatest acts of terrorism in India in Praveen Swami's write- ups on terrorism.( Why should it be left to Harsh Mander to  narrate the story of denial of justice to victims of Nellie? [ The Hindu, December 14, 2008])

12.3  Why does Praveen Swami never reproduce writings of Hindu terrorists like Bal Thakeray about which A.M Rosenthal reported to The New York Times after Bombay riots that "Hindu hate literature against Indian Muslims is almost exactly the same in manufactured paranoia as the Protocols of the Elders of Zion, Hitler's favourite…."

12.4  Let equitable space be given to the war, violence and terrorism not only under Islam but also under Indian religious and political traditions- past as well as present , about which any researcher will find copious material. It is only rarely that one finds the text of the CD "Bharat Ki Pukaar' being reproduced in the Hindu.

13.  I have never doubted secular / human rights credentials of the Hindu.  But let a team be assigned the work of quantifying space devoted to Muslim / Islamic terrorism and compare it with all other forms and manifestations of terrorism, under an inclusive definition of terrorism which should include demolition of Babri Masjid, Hashimpura (Meerut) - Maliana and all other major massacres. The great editor will discover after compiling and analysis of his paper's contents on riot- terror, the glaring contrast between coverage of Hindutva terror and that of Muslim involvement in terrorism including Pakistanis.

14.  I hope Mr. N.Ram and his distinguished team of very competent and fair minded journalists who are promoting  good causes with a sense of commitment, will undertake this exercise. 

 

Saturday, August 22, 2009

RAMADHAN MUBARAK TO ONE AND ALL

RAMADHAN

MUBARAK

 A MONTH OF DIVINE BLESSINGS, GRACE, AND A GREAT OPPORTUNITY TO STRIVE FOR HIGHEST HUMAN VALUES OF CHARITY, PHILINTROPHY, EMPATHY FOR HUMANKIND, UNDERSTANDING AND TOLERANCE, KINDESS AND GENEROSITY TO ONE AND ALL

 

MAY WE ALL BE BLESSED TO REAP A GOOD AND LASTING HARVEST

 

AMEEN

 

 

WITH BEST REGARDS

 

GHULAM MUHAMMED, MUMBAI

Friday, August 21, 2009

CAIR Thanks President for Ramadan Message / Good News: Judge Releases Acquitted Fla. Muslim

August 21, 2009 Forward to a Friend Support CAIR Contact Us Update Your Profile
Untitled Document

In the Name of God, the Compassionate, the Merciful

AMERICAN MUSLIM NEWS BRIEFS – 8/21/09

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CAIR OFFERS RAMADAN GREETINGS, THANKS PRESIDENT OBAMA FOR VIDEO MESSAGE - TOP

(WASHINGTON, D.C., 8/21/09) – The Council on American-Islamic Relations (CAIR) today offered Ramadan greetings to American Muslims and thanked President Obama for a videotaped message marking the month-long fast and acknowledging Muslim community service efforts.

VIDEO: President Obama’s Ramadan Message

SEE ALSO: Transcript of President Obama’s Ramadan Message

In his message, released today, the president said: “This summer, people across America have served in their communities – educating children, caring for the sick, and extending a hand to those who have fallen on hard times. Faith-based organizations, including many Islamic organizations, have been at the forefront in participating in this summer of service.”

President Obama was referring to Muslim participation in his recently-announced “United We Serve” initiative, which is designed to “make service a way of life for all Americans.”

“We wish everyone a blessed Ramadan and join President Obama in encouraging a spirit of community service for Americans of all faiths,” said CAIR National Executive Director Nihad Awad.

Awad said CAIR is asking Muslim communities to plan new volunteer community service initiatives, to expand existing activities and to report all such efforts through its “Muslims Care” online form. Muslims Care, an ongoing CAIR program, is designed to encourage volunteerism in the American Muslim community.

SEE ALSO: Show Muslim Support for President Obama’s Community Service Appeal

CAIR is America's largest Muslim civil liberties and advocacy organization. Its mission is to enhance the understanding of Islam, encourage dialogue, protect civil liberties, empower American Muslims, and build coalitions that promote justice and mutual understanding.

CONTACT: CAIR National Communications Director Ibrahim Hooper, 202-488-8787 or 202-744-7726, E-Mail: ihooper@cair.com; CAIR Communications Coordinator Amina Rubin, 202-488-8787 or 202-341-4171, E-Mail: arubin@cair.com

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CAIR APPLAUDS RELEASE OF ACQUITTED FLA. MUSLIM - TOP
Judge says government failed to prove deportation case

(TAMPA, FL, 8/21/09) - The Council on American-Islamic Relations (CAIR) is applauding today’s release of Youssef Megahed, the Florida Muslim who was acquitted of terror charges but later held for deportation based on the same allegations. (Megahed is being processed for release later today.)

Earlier today, Miami-Dade County Immigration Judge Kenneth S. Hurewitz ruled that the government had not proven its case to deport Megahed on the terror charges rejected by the jury. Judge Hurewitz also agreed to release Megahed on bail pending the government’s appeal of his decision.

SEE: Government Agrees to Bail for Megahed After Judge Rules It Couldn't Prove Terrorism Case

“It is time our government accepts the judgment of both the earlier jury and now an immigration judge and leaves Youssef Megahed in peace to mark the upcoming fast of Ramadan with his family,” said Ramzy Kiliç, executive director of CAIR’s Tampa, Fla., office.

Kiliç noted that an immigration judge is held to even a lower standard of evidence than a jury in a criminal case, so Judge Hurewitz reviewed evidence against Megahed that the federal jury did not see. Even with this additional evidence, the judge ruled against the government.

Megahed was arrested in South Carolina in August of 2007 following a traffic stop by local police. He was charged with transporting explosive materials and a destructive device, but was acquitted of those charges in April of this year. Days later, Megahed was arrested by Immigrations and Customs Enforcement (ICE) on the same charges he faced in federal court.

Megahed, 23, is a permanent resident whose family moved to America from Egypt when he was 11.

SEE: Youssef Megahed Speaks Out from Prison (Democracy Now)

CAIR is America's largest Muslim civil liberties and advocacy organization. Its mission is to enhance the understanding of Islam, encourage dialogue, protect civil liberties, empower American Muslims, and build coalitions that promote justice and mutual understanding.

CONTACT: CAIR-Tampa Executive Director Ramzy Kiliç, 813-486-2529, E-Mail: rkilic@cair.com; CAIR-Tampa Operations Director Khadijah Rivera, 813-516-2137, E-Mail: krivera@cair.com; CAIR National Communications Director Ibrahim Hooper, 202-488-8787 or 202-744-7726, E-Mail: ihooper@cair.com; CAIR Communications Coordinator Amina Rubin, 202-488-8787 or 202-341-4171, E-Mail: arubin@cair.com

Council on American-Islamic Relations
453 New Jersey Ave, S.E., Washington, D.C., 20003
Council on American-Islamic Relations Copyright © 2008 All rights reserved.

Thursday, August 20, 2009

CAIR-WA Meets with DHS, CBP on Border Profiling / U.S. Muslims Find Voice Through Advocacy, Engagement

August 20, 2009 Forward to a Friend Support CAIR Contact Us Update Your Profile
Untitled Document

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HADITH OF THE DAY: GOD LOVES YOU - TOP

A man once came to the Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him) with a piece of cloth and something in his hand. The man said: "I saw a group of trees and heard the sound of young birds. I took them and put them in my garment. Their mother then came and began to hover around my head. I showed (the chicks) to her, and she fell on them. I wrapped them (all) with my garment. They are now with me."

The Prophet said to his companions: "Are you surprised at the affection of the mother for her young?...God is more affectionate to His servants than a mother to her young ones. Take (the chicks) back and put them where you found them."

Sunan of Abu Dawood, Hadith 1359

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CAIR-WA MEETS WITH DHS, CBP ON BORDER PROFILING - TOP
Local Muslims testify to mistreatment when returning to U.S.

(SEATTLE, WA, 8/20/09) - A representative of the Washington state chapter of the Council on American-Islamic Relations (CAIR-WA) met yesterday with U.S. Customs and Border Protection (CBP) and Department of Homeland Security (DHS) officials to discuss allegations of racial and religious profiling at border checkpoints.

To file a report of alleged border profiling, go here.

During Wednesday’s meeting, CAIR’s representative outlined the Muslim community’s concerns and five local Muslims told of being handcuffed, pinned to the ground, having guns pointed at them, hearing alarms sound when approaching a checkpoint, and reported anti-Muslim slurs from CBP agents.

"Numerous local Muslims who are U.S. citizens, professionals and active volunteers in their communities have reported disturbing treatment at the border when returning home,” said CAIR-WA Executive Director Arsalan Bukhari.

Bukhari says reported treatment included being detained for up to eight hours, being handcuffed and kept in holding cells, having the contents of their wallets and purses photocopied, and having data from their electronic devices downloaded and retained by border officers.

“It is unconscionable that government officials treat upstanding citizens as if they are criminals,” said Bukhari.

The officials taking part in the Wednesday meeting offered to continue the dialogue about community concerns relating to claims of racial and religious profiling by border security personnel.

Those taking part in the meeting also included representatives of the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU), several congressional offices, the San Juan County Council, the Friday Harbor City Council, Colville Tribes, Community to Community, and Jefferson County Democrats.

CAIR is America's largest Muslim civil liberties and advocacy organization. Its mission is to enhance the understanding of Islam, encourage dialogue, protect civil liberties, empower American Muslims, and build coalitions that promote justice and mutual understanding.

CONTACT: CAIR-WA Executive Director Arsalan Bukhari, 206-931-3655, E-Mail: abukhari@cair.com; CAIR National Communications Director Ibrahim Hooper, 202-488-8787 or 202-744-7726, E-Mail: ihooper@cair.com; CAIR Communications Coordinator Amina Rubin, 202-488-8787 or 202-341-4171, E-Mail: arubin@cair.com

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MUSLIM AMERICANS FIND THEIR VOICE THROUGH ADVOCACY, ENGAGEMENT - TOP
Howard Cincotta, America.gov

…Razi Hashmi, born to a Pakistani father and American mother, struggled with his identity when he was a child. He found one answer in Islam. "Faith transcends race and culture," he said in an online profile.

But he also became politically active and organized a branch of the Muslim Students Association at his college. Hashmi is now head of the Oklahoma chapter of the Council on American Islamic Relations…

The Muslim Public Affairs Council is part of a growing constellation of national organizations that are making Muslim voices and views heard. They include the large and influential Islamic Society of North America, the advocacy group Council on American-Islamic Relations, and the New York-based American Society for Muslim Advancement, which stresses its work in interfaith activities and cultural exchanges. (More)

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CAIR-AZ HOSTS OFFICIALS AT PRE-RAMADAN EVENT - TOP

(PHOENIX, AZ, 8/1709) - The Arizona chapter of the Council on American-Islamic Relations (CAIR-AZ) held a dinner on Saturday in Phoenix to mark the upcoming Islamic holy season of Ramadan.

At the event, elected representatives, public and law enforcement officials and key business people all received a gift of a copy of the Quran, Islam’s revealed text.

SEE: CAIR’s Share the Quran Campaign

Dinner guests heard from the leaders of several Muslim and community organizations, including the Arizona Cultural Academy, the Cultural Food Bank, the Arab American Association, the Albanian Masjid (mosque), the Islamic Center of North Phoenix, and the Almahdi Center.

Ramadan is the month on the Islamic lunar calendar during which Muslims abstain from food, drink and other activities from daybreak to sunset. The fast is performed to learn discipline, self-restraint and generosity, while obeying God’s commandments. During Ramadan, Muslims end their fasts with a meal after sunset prayers. They also invite friends and family to their homes and mosques to share meals together at this special time of the year.

Ramadan is expected to begin later this week.

CAIR is America's largest Muslim civil liberties and advocacy organization. Its mission is to enhance the understanding of Islam, encourage dialogue, protect civil liberties, empower American Muslims, and build coalitions that promote justice and mutual understanding.

CONTACT: adaniels@cair.com

SEE ALSO:

SHARING RAMADAN - TOP
Plain Dealer, 8/19/09

A day of fasting during the Muslim holy month of Ramadan, which begins Saturday, is leavened by an evening meal celebrated with family and friends.

Non-Muslims are invited to experience a traditional iftar, or fast-breaking meal, at the sixth annual Sharing Ramadan Community Dinner sponsored by the Council on American-Islamic Relations.

The dinner program begins at 6:30 p.m. Saturday, Aug. 29, at the Joseph Cole Center at Cleveland State University. For reservations, call 216-830-2247.

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CAIR POSITION STATEMENT - ISLAM AND APOSTASY - TOP

Islamic scholars say the original rulings on apostasy were similar to those for treasonous acts in legal systems worldwide and do not apply to an individual's choice of religion. Islam advocates both freedom of religion and freedom of conscience, a position supported by verses in the Quran, Islam's revealed text, such as:

  • "If it had been the will of your Lord that all the people of the world should be believers, all the people of the earth would have believed! Would you then compel mankind against their will to believe?" (10:99)
  • "(O Prophet Muhammad) proclaim: 'This is the Truth from your Lord. Now let him who will, believe in it, and him who will, deny it.'" (18:29)
  • "If they turn away from thee (O Muhammad) they should know that We have not sent you to be their keeper. Your only duty is to convey My message." (42:48)
  • "Let there be no compulsion in religion." (2:256)

Religious decisions should be matters of personal choice, not a cause for state intervention. Faith imposed by force is not true belief, but coercion. Islam has no need to compel belief in its divine truth. As the Quran states: "Truth stands out clear from error. Therefore, whoever rejects evil and believes in God has grasped the most trustworthy hand-hold that never breaks." (2:256)

Before issuing this position statement, the Council on American-Islamic Relations (CAIR) consulted with members of the Fiqh Council of North America, an association of Islamic legal scholars that interprets Muslim religious law.

CAIR is America's largest Muslim civil liberties and advocacy organization. Its mission is to enhance the understanding of Islam, encourage dialogue, protect civil liberties, empower American Muslims, and build coalitions that promote justice and mutual understanding.

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t’s not what Jaswant Singh said ---- : Aakar Patel _ Mumbai Mirro

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It's not what Jaswant Singh said about Jinnah or Patel but his temerity to question the party leadership that got BJP's goat


AAKAR PATEL 



    Jaswant Singh has not been expelled for his book. He could not have been, because it does not say anything untrue. Very quickly, this is what his book says:

In 1940, Jinnah's Muslim League proposed that Muslims should have self-government 

Between 1940 and 1946, Jinnah gained electoral support and was open for negotiations. However, he was snubbed by Congress leaders whose actions were either illogical (Gandhi) or tactless (Nehru). They wanted to rule India alone; Jinnah wanted a federation 

3On March 8, 1947, as killings began in Punjab, on both sides,Vallabhbhai Patel and Nehru accepted Partition in a resolution they passed in Gandhi's and Azad's absence 

Congress could have done more to prevent Partition Jinnah was modern and secular and would have been appalled by how Pakistan turned out 
    

None of this is wrong, or new. It is taught in history books. Does Jaswant say Partition was a good thing? No. Does he blame Patel for it? No. If there is one man Jaswant holds most responsible for Partition, it is in fact Jinnah and his "continued rigidity, his fixed stand on an ever increasing charter of demands for the Muslims, an ever larger share of power for them in Independent India (page 504)."
 
    Patel is mentioned in the book in six places (pages 13, 289, 418, 459, 461 and 488). Not in one place has Jaswant said an unkind word about him. So when Rajnath is angry with Jaswant's views on Patel, he must be hallucinating. But he is not. And that is because Jaswant's punishment is not for his book at all. It is about the elections that the BJP lost under Rajnath's presidency, Advani's candidacy and Jaitley's management.
 
    After the defeat, Jaswant Singh told the BJP Core Group at a meeting on June 10 that leaders should be held accountable if the party was to progress. Advani initially made a show of quit
ting, but none of the three men left. Rajnath remains president, Advani is leader of the Opposition in the Lok Sabha and Jaitley leader in the Rajya Sabha. And so it is Jaswant Singh who must go instead.
 
    A minor royal from Rajasthan, Jaswant won the election from Darjeeling. Why Darjeeling? Because the Gurkhas would vote for someone who spent nine years with the Central India Horse. For a soldier, raised on black and white certitude, Jaswant Singh has written a remarkable book.
 
    It is free of prejudice and the BJP should have been proud that one of their own wrote it. Instead they have punished him. Truth forever on the scaffold, wrong forever on the throne. But if it is so obvious that Jaswant is right and Rajnath is wrong, then how will Rajnath get away with it? He 
will because he is confident that nobody will actually read Jaswant's book. This includes the media which carried headlines like 'Jaswant blames Patel, Nehru for Partition'. In India we like the idea of controversy, the details bore us.

Excerpt from the Book: Jinnah - India - Partition - Independence : Mumbai Mirror

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Excerpt  from the book:

Jinnah hated the Congress, not Hindus or Hinduism
 
... why Partition and how are 'Muslims a separate nation'? Unarguably, all this had started just over a hundred years ago, (Simla delegation, 1906), with separate electorates but it is on this narrow foundation had finally got built the assertion of separate 'nationhood' on which Mohammed Ali Jinnah had achieved that near impossible, of willing into being what he enunciated: 'Muslims are a separate nation'. That 'nation' came into existence on 14 August 1947. That controversial call through a persistent repetition of which Jinnah succeeded in carving out a separate land, how do we now, expost facto assess it? Did the birth of Pakistan conclusively prove Jinnah's thesis? Or was there actually a rejection of this thesis in the emergence of Bangladesh? This, and other similar ones are rather worrying questions. Did Jinnah's death empty the core of this idea? Also, this concept, propounded by Jinnah and the path on which he had set his creation - Pakistan - does the reality of it tally with those early fundamentals? With the coming into being of Pakistan did Jinnah's journey end? Or is the past of this idea actually a forerunner of our future?
 
    Towards the end (1940-47) Jinnah was both a self-avowed and the actual political leader of almost the entire Muslim community of undivided India. He had started his political life as an early champion of Hindu-Muslim unity, along with the total commitment to the cause of freedom from the British. During that period he stood unambiguously for a united India; yet when he sought a Muslim 'nation', that was through partition, a division, and only in terms of a separation from India, whether internal or external, but as a separate entity. M.R.A. Baig, for some years Jinnah's secretary, has written in Jinnah: 'Islam, as such, came very little into his thinking, and if asked how a mere belief in a common faith', by people of essentially the same ethnic stock could make a nation, he always gave the example of 'Americans [having proven] that nationalism was purely subjective. If the Muslims thought themselves a nation, [well then] they were a nation, and that was all there was to it'. This was not just a lawyer's argument, it was Jinnah's assertion of his belief in the 'power of faith, which he held to be the foundation of nationhood'. Even though this kind of reasoning remains riddled with infirmities, 
for Jinnah this was the needed and the only philosophical (at least so it sounded) platform, a kind of a much needed ideological 'cap', wearing which an idea [such as this] could be pushed. His opposition was not against the Hindus or Hinduism, it was Congress that he considered as the true political rival of the Muslim League, and the League he considered as being just an 'extension of himself'. He, of course, made much of the Hindu-Muslim riots (1946; Bengal, Bihar, etc.) to 'prove the incapacity of Congress Governments to protect Muslims; and also expressed fear of the "Hindu Raj" to frighten Muslims into joining the League, but during innumerable conversations with him I can rarely recall him attacking Hindus or Hinduism as such. His opposition, which later developed into almost hatred, remained focussed upon the Congress leadership'.
 
    The Muslim community for Jinnah became an electoral body; his call for a Muslim nation in his political platform; the battles he fought were entirely political - between the Muslim League and the Congress; Pakistan was his political demand over which he and the Muslim League could rule. Religion in all this was entirely incidental; Pakistan alone gave him all that his personality and character demanded. If Mr. Jinnah was necessary for achieving Pakistan, Pakistan too was necessary for the fulfilment of Mr. Jinnah.
 
    Philips Talbot, as an eyewitness, (and he is perhaps the only one still alive) has assessed: 'Jinnah organised and hastened the development of Muslim solidarity with master strategy. By shrewd, brainy bargaining, cold-blooded astuteness, an absolute refusal to be panicked, and perceptive recognition of the strengths and weaknesses of both himself and his opponent, he has turned every opportunity to the advantage of the League. In ne
gotiations he has considerably proved a match for the Congress high command with all its talent. "I am constitutionally and by long habit a very cold-blooded logician," he told an adulatory Muslim gathering last November'. No one could have analysed him better.
 
The Muslim League's revival was a mistake
 
On 15 December 1947 the residual Muslim League in India adopted a resolution about reviving itself. Gandhi advised them not to, instead to lend their support to the Congress party. This was wise counsel, welcomed even by Suhrawardy. Sadly, though, Azad failed to rise to the occasion, a de
moralised and confused Muslim community in India was his to lead, he did address them, in that much acclaimed oration of 23 October 1947 at the Jama Masjid, but that speech was far too layered over with the language of taunt and reproach, 'I hailed you; you cut off my tongue'.
 
    Leaders of the Muslim League in the Constituent Assembly had then, rather mindlessly, demanded not only a reservation of seats but separate electorates as well. This provoked Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel into delivering remarks that would have, on any other occasion been better left unsaid, but then with the country's partition wounds still raw, any such claim of reservations being raised again rubbed those wounds afresh and made them bleed all over again. The Sardar, in pain and in anger, admonished: 'I do not know whether there has been any change in their (the Muslims) attitude to bring forward such an amendment, even now, after all this long reflection and experience of what has happened in this country. But I know this that they have got a mandate from the Muslim League to move this 
amendment. I feel sorry for them. This is not a place today for acting on mandates. This is a place today to act on your conscience and to act for the good of the country. For a community to think that its interests are different from that of the country in which it lives is a great mistake. Assuming that we agreed today to the reservation of seats, I would consider myself to be the greatest enemy of the Muslim community because of the consequences of the step in a secular and democratic State....[Those] who do not trust the majority cannot obviously come into the Government.... Accordingly, you will have no share in the Government. You will exclude yourselves and remain perpetually in a minority. Then, what advantage will you gain?'
 
    Is that why there is in this a sense of disappointment and tragedy? Perhaps yes, but also perhaps because we continue to repeat the great errors of those epochal decades. Take 'minoritism', again. M.J. Akbar, in an erudite and magisterial essay analyses the challenges of it convincingly, in a yet to be published work The Major Minority: 'At what point in the story of the last thousand years did Indian Muslims become a minority? The question is, clearly, rhetorical. Muslims have never been in a numerical majority on the Indian subcontinent'.
 
In becoming an Islamic state, Pakistan inevitably had to become a jehadi one …
 
With Montford Reforms, which had introduced elections, though with ownership of property as the qualifying requirement for voting rights in local bodies like municipalities, (1909-19) an opportunity had presented itself to the Muslims, there was at last an opening offered. It was instantly seized. 'Reservation' became the starting point and with a granting of that status the Muslims were recognised and set apart as a distinctively different political category again. Thereafter, from reservation to special percentages, one-fourth to one-third to minority rights; to where in majority its preservation (Punjab/Bengal); to parity, and finally to partition - this was one continuous, ever increasing demand charter, almost an evolutionary flow sheet. Partition had to be claimed, yes, but for what? Was it for security, communal order, peace - which of these was the impulse that most energised this call of partition? As none of these were sufficiently sustainable points for a 
division of India, there then arrived the thesis: 'Muslims are a separate nation'. On first hearing, this sounded so absolutely, totally, illogically wrong, so unacceptable; and yet, it acquired a beguiling resonance, through constant repetition as if some high principle was being enunciated, any refutation of which would be both unjust and a complex task when and if attempted; besides this slogan, through ersatz, was sufficiently high sounding. Ultimately, both the Congress, the League and the departing British tried so much, so assiduously, so continuously, so hard and for so long to break India, that India had finally to divide. And in the end the physical act of partitioning became just a shabby, graceless and an indefensibly cruel 'give and take' of numbers: 'You have this, I'll take this'. And thus was fractured the great unity of this ancient land: a divide that could simply not bring any peace in its wake; it first compartmentalised and then tightly sealed Hindu-Muslim animosities, cementing festering grudges into near permanent hostilities; what was domestic - Hindu-Muslim, became international - India-Pakistan; we made global our domestic disagreements. For Pakistan, it became the policy plank - 'perpetual and induced hostility towards India that became its premiere state polity', it could scarcely be otherwise.
 
    Mohammed Ali Jinnah was, to my mind, fundamentally in error proposing 'Muslims as a separate nation', which is why he was so profoundly wrong when he simultaneously spoke of 'lasting peace, amity and accord with India after the emergence of Pakistan'; that simply could not be. Perhaps, late General Zia-ul-Haq was nearer reality, when asked as to why 'Pakistan cultivated and maintained this policy of so much induced hostility towards India?', he replied (some say apocryphally, but tellingly) that, 'Turkey or Egypt, if they stop being aggressively Muslim, they will remain exactly what they are - Turkey or Egypt. But if Pakistan does not become and remain aggressively Islamic it will become India again. Amity with India will mean getting swamped by this all enveloping embrace of India.' This worry has haunted the psyche of all the leaders of Pakistan since 1947.
 
    I share here some thoughts about how Pakistan has fared post 1947. Since birth it has been accompanied by high drama, often troubled by dark and imaginary shadows of history, also myths; some grandiose dreams and plans, therefore often intense emotionalism, and a sad absence of cold, 
phlegmatic logic. Inevitable therefore, the 'idea of Pakistan' has often got usurped, which is why Pakistan's friends have so often become its masters, and which is also why the 'state' of Pakistan continues to remain fragile, so unsure, so tense. However, there were other factors, too. Pakistan, founded on the notion of separateness, a 'nation' distinctly apart from India, could do no more than to continuously affirm its Islamic identity. It therefore adopted the identity of being an Islamic Republic. This seemingly direct and logical evolution from 'Muslims as a separate nation' to Pakistan as an 'Islamic State' was neither direct, nor evolutionary as might at first sight appear. In reality this has impeded Pakistan's coming into its own, evolving into a modern, functioning state. Sadly, a reasoning and credible national identity eludes it still. From becoming an Islamic state, Pakistan ultimately, again perhaps inevitably, had to become a 'jihadi state', and when set on this path - it also then became, again perhaps inevitably, the epicentre of global terrorism; the chosen house of all the names associated with this global scourge: Al Qaeda and Osama bin Laden and Taliban and so on.
 
An unfair start; India should have been generous
 
However, this partition had made Pakistan start 'life' with great administrative disadvantages too. Upon attaining Independence, India, freed of British rule, had a continuing identity, a functioning administrative structure, and in that immense spread of its land sufficient mass, enough resilience and cushion to absorb multiple shocks, repeatedly, as it had done so often though history. Not so in Pakistan; 
the challenges that it faced upon independence were formidable. After all, Pakistan had been no more than a 'negotiating idea', a tactical ploy to obtain greater political role for the Muslims of India so that they could become arbiters of their own political and social destiny, instead of leaving it in the 'unreliable political hands of a Hindu Congress'.
 
    Besides, no one, not even Jinnah knew, or had ever defined, Pakistan; the cry was always in the name of Islam. That is why when this dream of Pakistan finally became a reality, no one was prepared for it. There existed no prior assessment of problems or priorities, for no one had known what the final shape of Pakistan was going to be. Yes, 14 August could not wait, and Jinnah dared not ask for a deferment.
 
    In less than two months provinces had to be divided, civil and armed services bifurcated and 
assets apportioned. 'This telescoped time table created gigantic problems for Pakistan, which unlike India had not inherited a capital, a government, the financial resources to establish and equip its administrative, economic and military institutions. The migration of millions of refugees imposed its own burdens on this struggling state with an awesome burden of rehabilitation'. This comment, from a former Pakistani diplomat would be one amongst many of the multiple challenges that then faced Pakistan. For a fledgling Pakistan a quick release from these problems lay in a psychological diversion, a 'confront India' approach; that was so obvious an escape, but sadly it led nowhere then, and cannot, pragmatically assessed, lead anywhere even now.
 
    This is when, with the benefit of hindsight, I believe, India needed to give more; it needed to accept with greater generosity (of spirit, 
too) what had separated from its own body. This was, and is, an extremely difficult call; the trauma of a searingly cruel partition having cauterised the sensibilities of an entire subcontinent, generosity could not, does not come easily. The manner of carving out the land, the shattering of the psyche of an entire generation (more than one, perhaps) and that unprecedented uprooting of so many millions made any accommodation of the other's needs almost a superhuman demand, so at least it was in the beginning. Pakistan was starting on its journey of statehood neither with any abundance of options nor with the goodwill of an amicable settlement, a willing partition of assets amongst disputant brothers. Great bitterness got added to what was already a very bitter partition. Under these circumstances could India have been more understanding? This now becomes largely an academic query.