Insecure after all - By Badri Raina - The Hindu

The eminent writer Prof. Badri Raina has left the onus of raising objections with the Chief Election Commission to Congress, over Narendra Modi's resurrection of communal propaganda to consolidate and garner votes. In fact, it we the people have much greater stake in hounding such communal elements on their illegal crimes against India's secularism and NGO's from public life should take up massive campaign against revival of communal propaganda. Under public pressure, Chief Election Commissioner is bound to issue warnings to Modi and in case of his defiance, could initiate the process to countermand his own election, if he wins.

Ghulam Muhammed, Mumbai
<ghulammuhammed3@gmail.com>

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http://www.thehindu.com/opinion/op-ed/insecure-after-all/article4167735.ece



December 6, 2012

Insecure after all

Badri Raina

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PTI Narendra Modi’s bravado as “vikash purush” may not move the bulk of the electorate this time around.

With the weaknesses of Modi’s development plank now exposed, the Gujarat Chief Minister is resorting to tried and tested majoritarian communalism

Did you notice that Narendra Modi is back to his old tricks? Out of thin air, and with no context of any kind, he has chosen to insinuate that the Congress means to install Ahmed Patel as Chief Minister of Gujarat. And not just Ahmed Patel but “Ahmed Mian Patel.” Do recall his erstwhile sallies with “Mian Musharraf” and “James Michael Lyngdoh.” The idea patently is to warn the Gujarati voter that should the Congress come to power, the State would be saddled with a Muslim chief executive.

The inference ought to be that his “development” plank having been found out during the current campaign for what it is — an exclusionary exercise in benefiting the fat cats at the expense of the Adivasis, the fisherfolk, the farmers, and the minorities — Mr. Modi’s greatly hyped and advertised bravado as “vikash purush” may not be quite moving to the bulk of the Gujarat electorate this time around. Nor, as it turns out, does Gujarat seem to have been as free of corrupt crony capitalism as Modispeak would have us believe.

Hence, his unprincipled and legally questionable recourse to tried and tested majoritarian communalism.
 
Buried fact

Remarkably, we always seem to forget that this claim to majoritarian hegemony excludes some 47 or so per cent of Gujaratis who have consistently voted against him — a fact that remains cannily buried as far as public commentary and discourse are concerned.

Thus his claim to hold sway over “six crore” Gujaratis has always been an unfair myth insufficiently unravelled.

What remains to be seen is whether, in these days of touted stringency, the Election Commission takes notice of his blatant recourse to sectarian propaganda — “Ahmed Mian Patel” — and does what the law requires. The very recent indictment of Varun Gandhi in this respect might be a factor to consider.

It is to be expected that the Congress may approach the Election Commission in this matter; expected but not likely, for the reason that the local Congress seems terrified of fuelling polarisation among the electorate even if that means turning a Nelson’s eye to such brazen violation of the Constitution and the election laws as Mr. Modi’s statement about “Ahmed Mian Patel” entails.

Meanwhile, one well-wishing electronic channel is busy selling the idea that a “new narrative” is afoot among Gujarati Muslims — one that sensibly argues that it is best to be by Mr. Modi’s side even if the ghettoisation of the community is now an accepted fact on both sides of the divide. The Bohras and the Khojas have always had their eye on the main chance but, if the most upright and honourable Dr. J.S. Bandukwala whose house was gutted during the carnage of 2002 is to be believed, even the Bohras and Khojas are unlikely to vote Modi.

The same channel is also showcasing a young and suave Muslim lady who has gone over from the Congress to the BJP. She can be heardsaying that, after all, an ordinary BJP worker in Gujarat can get more done than a Congress MLA. The question is, done for whom?

The occurrence also recalls the sad case of Arif Mohammed Khan — a more reliable Islamic scholar than most Mullahs and a fine secular India overall — who once took what was a traumatic decision to go over to the BJP in the hope that the perpetual “Other” may be transformed from the inside and weaned from the RSS; I can’t recall whether Arif bhai is still with the BJP, but the BJP surely remains with the RSS. Leopard’s spots — they are dour.

But, to think that a politician who can at the drop of a hat stoop to such sectarian and divisive cunning — “Ahmed Mian Patel” — should be a hot favourite for the top executive job in the country may be the most damning comment on one considerable section of India’s political class and on the corporates and newly-minted elites who support them.
 
Paradox

The paradox is that, given the 24X7 hype over Mr. Modi, if he drops even a single seat or stays where he is the argument may be fuelled that the limits of his politics have been reached. Indeed, that conclusion may become more rampant among the BJP’s inner circles than among merely those opposed to Mr. Modi’s brand of politics. In that event, the late Madhav Singh Solanki, who once garnered 140 seats in the Gujarat Assembly, may remain the record holder beyond Mr. Modi’s prowess.

Galling thought that.
 
(Prof. Badri Raina is a Delhi-based writer.)

‘Congress ran away when 1992-93 riots broke out’ - IDEA EXCHANGE - The Indian Express, Mumbai

http://www.indianexpress.com/news/-congress-ran-away-when-199293-riots-broke-out-/1042880/0

‘Congress ran away when 1992-93 riots broke out’

Express news service : Mon Dec 10 2012, 01:43 hrs

Twenty years after the 1992-93 communal riots that left 900 dead (575 Muslims, 275 Hindus and 50 others) and over 2,000 injured and displaced over 1,000, justice has still not been delivered.Riots continue to be used as a tool to achieve political agenda.

Advocate Yusuf Muchhala, who has battled for over two decades for implementation of Justice Srikrishna report, speaks with The Indian Express editorial team about the feeling of alienation and other issues of the minority community.

Swatee Kher: What is the status of the riot cases?

Muchhala: Sixty per cent of the cases have been closed. Of the 892 registered, 11 were tried under TADA and three resulted in convictions. Some 120 cases were referred to the fast-track courts set up in 2008. Conviction was ordered in seven of these, but again appeals resulted in acquittals in five. Two cases are pending.

What is the point in referring cases to a fast-track court after almost 16 years? Many witnesses are untraceable and have lost interest. 

Some have even lost memory. It is sort of eyewash.

P Vaidyanathan Iyer: When the state fails in its roles and responsibilities, what does the constitution provide for? At a time when we are seeing a completely different emergence of regional parties, do you think it will become more and more difficult for the central government to intervene in state affairs?

Muchhala: All parties want to draw political mileage. Whatever formulation comes to power, it will look to draw political mileage. We need a strong constitutional setup to take charge in such times. Like the national and state human rights commissions that came into existence after 1995. During the 1992-93 riots these institutions did not exist.

Governments like to control such institutions. Maharashtra state human rights commission (SHRC) is without members since February. The state government, which processes appointments of SHRC members, has taken over a year to fill the vacancies. We need a vigilant civil society to raise these issues.

In Gujarat, so many (riot) cases have come up because of SHRC that filed writ petitions before the high court. We have to strengthen such institutions and ensure they do not come under government pressure.

Sukanya Shetty: When riots break out, most state governments do not use power. What role did Congress play during the 1992-93 riots, as it was in power in the state as well as at the Centre?

Muchhala: Congress ran away. No Congress worker was seen on the street. But at the time of election they included these things (riot cases and Srikrishna Commission report) in
manifestos.

Zeeshan Shaikh: Do you also see a failure on the part of the community? Do you think the community is suffering from some sort of persecution complex? Is there a need for the community to introspect? All is not well with the Muslim community, after all.

Muchhala: I would not call it a persecution complex, but a sense of alienation. There is distrust between the Muslim community and the establishment. But do you blame only Muslims? After the Mecca blast, Muslim boys were picked up. After Malegaon, again Muslim boys were picked up. Then again for Ajmer blast. It is not that Muslims do not commit crimes, but it is the way the community is targeted.

A feeling of alienation is definitely there. Muslims feel police are against them. After the 1993 blasts, police kept 45 Mahim families captive for a number of days as they suspected involvement of a member of one.

Police said produce him and go home. After it became hot for police to keep so many people captive, they locked up one member of each of the 45 families at the office of the commissioner in Crawford Market. I had to file a writ petition to get them released. 

The government later claimed no one was detained.

Smita Nair: When someone like Bal Thackeray gets a state honour, what do you think? You have been closely interacting with the (minority) community, what was its sentiment, reaction?

Muchhala: It was not a correct decision. Though there was no conviction, he faced serious allegations. Such honour was not required. It was a decision of the Chief Minister.

Swatee Kher: What changes do you expect in law?

Muchhala: There is nothing wrong with the laws. The problem is implementation. We have 153 (a), 295 (a). Prosecution under these IPC sections happens only if the government grants sanction. The government does not.

If it does, it does after many years. By then, evidence is lost and so is the purpose. There is no political will to implement laws. There is no accountability in our system of law.

Accountability can be brought by introducing Communal Violence (Prevention) Bill that is pending consideration by so many forums.
Commissions after commissions have made the same observation, if the local administration is vigilant it can control riots within 24 hours. In many cases, riots were controlled. Accountability, along with the aspect of justice after riots and rehabilitation, can be covered in the Bill. Unfortunately, so many political parties are opposing it on the pretext of federalism.

Mayura Janwalkar: Coming to hate speeches. How can we ensure the law does not deny freedom of speech and at the same time is not misused?

Muchhala: There must be a proper system in place. We already have a law under IPC and its validity has been upheld by Supreme Court. Existing laws should be properly used.

Sukanya Shetty: A majority of 1992-93 riot cases were closed as “A summary”, which means true but undetected. Were the reports not filed before a magistrate, a pre-requisite?

Muchhala: No, none of the reports was filed before a magistrate. It was all done at the police level, a wrong practice. It is actually for the magistrate to decide. Unfortunately, nobody raised the issue.

Sukanya Shetty: How proactive has the judiciary been in this process of justice to the riot victims?

Muchhala: Our writ petitions are still pending before Supreme Court. Justice A S Anand was proactive, others were not interested. 

There is no consistent judicial policy.

Mayura Janwalkar: Will the commission report be implemented? Is there hope?

Muchhala: The report is valuable as it forms a government archive. The information that flows from the government archive is not pure. Without such a commission, the future generation will not know what happened in 1992-93. Conscience is kept alive and it helps ensure such incidents do not recur.

Sukanya Shetty: Commissions are not meant to be brilliant archives. Maharahstra has seen several of them, but findings of none were implemented. The commissions became political tools. So, what is the real use?

Muchhala: I agree with you that commissions are used for political 
benefits. But it is not correct that Srikrishna Commission did not serve any purpose. It is an honest report.

When I decided to participate in the commission, the reaction of the Muslim youth was dangerous.

“Aise bhi marte hain, toh chaar ko maar ke marenge”, was the feeling. They are not criminals. They did not participate in riots or in blasts. But the anger was there. Sense of injustice was there. That expression was very dangerous.

The moment the commission started its inquiry, people started phoning and giving information. These are intangible benefits. The manner in which Justice Srikrishna conducted the inquiry, hats off to him. He allowed people to open their hearts.

So far as the guilty are concerned, they were shivering in their trousers.

Swatee Kher: Many went missing after the riots. And as per law, if a victim is not traced for seven years s/he is declared dead. But this aspect was not considered by the government while disbursing compensation.

Muchhala: As many as 165 persons were reported missing. We (NGOs and activists) have referred to Supreme Court seven cases in which compensation was denied. After so many years, those seven persons are also not traceable. Of the 165, state has compensated over 100. That too after a lot of reluctance and after we approached Supreme Court.

From 1993-2005, all attempts at bureaucratic levels failed. At election time some people got active and money was paid.

Smita Nair: What is your opinion on the August 11 Azad Maidan violence?

Muchhala: Some people indulged in violent activities. They needed to be booked and they were.

The commissioner (Arup Patnaik) handled it wisely. He could not 
prevent it (the violence), but he tried to control it. Police were at fault, I agree. Subsequently, police took the right decision by filing cases.

Uttar Pradesh on a boil - Part III - By Amaresh Mishra - The Times of India

http://blogs.timesofindia.indiatimes.com/the-mainstream-maverick/entry/uttar-pradesh-on-a-boil

Uttar Pradesh on a boil - Part III

Amaresh Misra
03 December 2012, 08:26 AM IST

84

Faizabad Violence
The real face of the new communal politics came to the fore in Faizabad. The build-up to the whole affair ought to be seen: In July 2012, the police locked the gates of a functioning Masjid in Faizabad’s Mirzapur’s area. Of late, several new Mandirs—some overnight—have sprouted in Faizabad; most of these reflect a desire of some small time politician or a neo-rich wannabe to acquire political clout through religion.
There was a similar dispute regarding land in front of the Mirzapur Masjid; then on September 23, 2012, three idols were stolen from the Deokali Mandir in the heart of Faizabad city; after September 30, 2012, following  Akhilesh Yadav’s directive (see Part I and II of this series) to DMs for the possible release of innocent Muslims framed in terror cases, Faizabad lawyers went on a 25 day strike.  Anti-Muslim, hate speeches began blaring almost overnight from loudspeakers; the district administration and SP politicians did nothing.
In October 2012, Mahant Adityanath, the Gorakhpur BJP MP—known as a danga master as he creates riots everywhere he goes just by abusing Muslims—was allowed not only to visit Faizabad but warn Muslims of returning the idols even when the district administration was following some other line of investigation.
Adityanath’s Hindu Vahini volunteers suddenly became active; shakhas—manned not by the RSS but Hindu Vahini cadres—sprang up suddenly in several small towns of Faizabad and adjoining areas. Then four Hindus were arrested from Kanpur and shown as the real moorti chors of Deokali by the police.
But organizations like the Durga Puja Committee and various so-called Hindutva organizations refused to believe the Police version and continued blaming the Muslims. Insiders reveal that the Deokali temple is under the control of two Pathak brothers. A legal case for possession with another party is underway; the idols are expensive; the brothers are close to several politicians including Pawan Pandey, the sitting SP MLA of Faizabad.
As a city, Faizabad enjoys communal harmony; in the 1857 war, Mahant Ramdas, Maulvi Ameer Ali, Shambhu Prasad Shukla and Acchan Khan, a Muslim notable from the Hasnu Katra mohalla, were sawed to death by the British at a spot close to the site where the Babari Masjid was demolished on December 6, 1992. The four freedom fighters—two Muslims and two Hindus—shouted Bahadur Shah Zafar Ki Jai! Begum Hazrat Mahal ki Jai! Har Har Mahadev! Allah O’ Akbar!
Such is the great Faizabadi culture—even now Hindus and Muslims are joint caretakers of Bahu-Begum ka Makbara and the Gulab Bari—the great monuments built during the reign of Nawab Shuja-ud-Daula and Asif-ud-Daula—in the second half—of the 18^th century. Before shifting to Lucknow, Awadhi Nawabs held Faizabad as their capital.


In 1992-93, Mumbai and other places in India saw riots; but despite the best efforts of decadent BJP leaders like Vinay Katiyar—who fell out with a famous Mafia Don of Faizabad also named Pawan Pandey (nothing to do with the sitting SP MLA) involved in temple destruction in 1992 but subsequently hounded out by the BJP when he questioned the tendency of some big Faizabad BJP leaders to indulge in womanizing—Faizabad did not witness a single incident of violence involving people of the city. The said Pawan Pandey later joined the BSP.
Most post-Masjid demolition, anti-Muslim violence in December 1992 in Faizabad was the handiwork of Shiv Sainiks from Maharashtra or Kar Sevaks from Andhra Pradesh. 
Muslims making mukuts for the various temples of Ayodhya and Faizabad, and Hindus maintaining mosques, is part of the composite tradition of Faizabad and Avadh. All this was disturbed when on 24th October 2012, the day of Durga Puja immersion, a total breakdown of law and order, and paralysis of district police and civil district officers, led to an abominable assault on Muslim shops, homes and personals. During my tour of the district on November 23^, 2012 to ascertain facts, I discovered a shocking conspiracy to turn Uttar Pradesh into another Gujarat.
The Nexus
With the help of local Left oriented social activists like Anil Singh, and other youth activists like Shah Alam and Afaq, I discovered a nexus between communal forces attacking Muslims in various towns of Faizabad, the district’s political class, and the district administration. This led to lumpen mobs, composed of Mahanta Adityanath’s Hindu Vahini, Bajrang Dal, RSS, BJP and Shiv Sena letting loose a reign of terror which affected several towns like Rudauli, Bhadarsa, Shahganj—almost the entire district—as well as the main Chowk in the heart of Faizabad city—on October 24, 2012.
In Faizabad city, assaults on Muslims took place roughly between 5.30 pm and 10-11 pm—several Muslim shops were burned. An old mosque—which was a symbol of communal harmony as Hindu women used to throw flower petals on Durga Puja processions earlier from its roof—was vandalized.
The attack on symbols of composite culture again recalls Gujarat—there too the tomb of Shah Wali Dakkhani—the father of Urdu language—loved both by Muslims and Hindus—was leveled to the ground. In Faizabad, a shop of watches inside the mosque was gutted and looted thoroughly.
The office of `Aap Ki Taaqat’, a Hindi-Urdu bilingual weekly, a symbol of Faizabad’s composite culture, was destroyed by Hindu Vahini/ Bajrang Dal/Shiv Sena goons and miscellaneous miscreants. Manjar Mehndi, the editor of the weekly, is a respected, secular citizen of Faizabad. Hindus of the area I spoke to expressed, their anguish over the attack on Manjar Sahab’s office. Hindu shopkeepers swore on the Bhagwat Geeta that no one from the Chowk area was involved in the attack, which “was the handiwork of outsiders owing allegiance to Mahant Adityanath”.
The mosque itself was attacked as goons shouting anti-Muslim slogans entered the main area.

The Faizabad Mosque—symbol of composite culture—burnt and vandalized, courtesy Amaresh Misra

The Faizabad Mosque—symbol of composite culture—burnt and vandalized, courtesy Amaresh Misra

Conspiracy

The conspiracy angle in the Faizabad bares itself when one examines the way the district administration reacted between October 24-26, 2012. The first sign of disturbances came from Rudauli—about 40 km from Faizabad. Ramchandra Yadav, the BJP MLA from Rudauli was active in the fracas, which started at 2.30pm or so, after a rumour that some Muslim boys tried harming Durga idols being taken by a crowd for immersion; similar rumours were heard in places like Shahganj and other areas almost simultaneously. The concurrent dispersal of rumours over areas separated by 40-70 km is difficult even in the mobile phone age. It is impossible without the help of a secret organization.
Remarkably, both the District Magistrate (DM) and the Senior Superintendent of Police (SSP)—the two most high ranking officers—of Faizabad—reached Rudauli between 2.30 and 3pm; despite the fact that violence erupted in several other places—even inside Faizabad city—after the Rudauli incident—the DM and SSP were not seen anywhere else. Mystery shrouds their role—where were they till late at night (11pm or so) when the violence in Faizabad city began petering out?
In Faizabad city, violence started around 5pm near the Royal Plaza area after rumours that a Muslim boy was caught teasing a Hindu girl during the Durga Puja procession; later it turned out that a Hindu boy was involved in the eve teasing incident; but by then the crowd had begun vandalizing properties owned by Muslims. Around 6.30 pm or so, the SP city fled; then a Police daroga was hit by stone pelting; he started bleeding; recently, in Bhatta Parsaul it was seen how the Police becomes violent against a mob or a crowd of people when one of its officers are hit—in Faizabad the opposite happened—the Police ran away from the scene with the injured daroga; between roughly 6pm and 11pm, communal elements continued their dance of loot, arson and terror.

Nawabi era burnt gates of the Faizabad Chowk area—the main arena of the 24^th October 2012 violence; courtesy Amaresh Misra

Nawabi era burnt gates of the Faizabad Chowk area—the main arena of the 24^th October 2012 violence; courtesy Amaresh Misra 

Pictures captured on mobile phones show goons having a free run and some Policemen left on the scene standing as mute spectators often in a huddle.

Crowds of looters intermixed with the Police just before the attack on historic arched gates of the city—24^th October 2012, Faizabad Chowk area—courtesy anonymous, Faizabad

    

Crowds of looters and arsonists shouting Jai Shree Ram—24^th October 2012, Faizabad Chowk area—courtesy Anonymous, Faizabad

Crowds of looters and arsonists shouting Jai Shree Ram—24^th October 2012, Faizabad Chowk area—courtesy Anonymous, Faizabad

 

Police in a huddle—24^th October 2012, Faizabad Chowk area—courtesy Anonymous, Faizabad

To be continued...

Did the Babri Masjid demolition shake the Indian Muslims' faith in the ability of the State to protect the lives and rights of its citizens?

http://ibnlive.in.com/chat/syed-shahabuddin/did-the-babri-masjid-demolition-shake-the-indian-muslims-faith-in-the-ability-of-the-state-to-protect-the-lives-and-rights

ibnlive.in.com

Chat

Syed Shahabuddin

Convener, Babari Masjid Movement Coordination Committee

Dec 06, 2012 | Closed

Did the Babri Masjid demolition shake the Indian Muslims' faith in the ability of the State to protect the lives and rights of its citizens?

Twenty years down, Syed Shahabuddin looks back.

• 18 questions answered

This chat is over. Thanks for joining.

Q: What was wrong in the demolition of Babri Masjid as it was constructed on Lord Rama Temple? Asked by: Arjun Singh

A: I wish it could be proved. The HC got the place excavated and no trace of the temple was found. You can't say something without proving it. I have said these right outside Deoband that if it is proven that Muslims brought down a temple and built a mosque, it is not a masjid and I will bring it down personally. In Ayodhya there are dozens of places where people say Ram was born.

Q: Is it not that a long time has passed and the concept of revisiting Dec 6 should stop. Eminent people like you should motivate younger generation towards productive things like education and employment. These things build the nation whereas "Dec 6" creates ill will. Your views please Asked by: Kumar Ajay

A: I have been trying to educate the Muslim youths from the beginning that the answer to babri masjid is not violence. I have called on them to disist from taking out processions and to escalate tensions.

Q: The incidents like the one of Babri Masjid,godhraa,Mumbai serial blast,26/11 ( mumbai ) create a fear amongst the citizens,irrespective of the religion and also the limitations of the state in protecting its citizen.Do you relate it to Intelligence failure ?? Asked by: sundar1950in

A: There is no doubt in my mind that Babri masjid was not a case of intelliugence failure but govt's inaction based on intelligence. But in the other cases, yes.

Q: Is minority phobia the binding force for the unity of India? Asked by: Faisal Mahboob

A: I don't think so but a Muslim phobia is slowly entering our veins. The majority of Hindus are tolerant but a few bad apples can spoil the atmosphere. RSS has always tried to push people into positions of power. But people including Hindus, and specially them, have resisted such attempts.

Q: People from minorities section are reaching the highest positions,one example,MMS. The trend has picked up in the last decade more than before.Yes aberrations happen,but why cant we move ahead? Asked by: Kamal Agg

A:The point is not about individuals. There have been Muslim President, Vice-President, cabinet secretary. Indira Gandhi asked IK Gujral to find out how many Muslims were there in his dept. They were just a handful though two of the top guys were Muslims.

Q: Hello Sir, For Indian Muslims, is Roti, Kapada & Makaan is important or being strict religious is important ?. I am asking this question with a view in my mind. India has got Independence in 1947 & from the day # 1 Congress claims it is "Secular". What is your honest view on this ?. Don't you think just to keep BJP away from power, Indian Muslims by and large ignore the development politics and stay in emotive world and thereby vote to "so-called" Secular parties which use Muslims as vote banks ?. Asked by: aditya.yanamand

A: This is a complex question. For every citizen, roti kapda makan is important, so it is for Indian Muslims. I think Partition was disastrous and a great tragedy for Indian Muslims. Today, my friends in Pakistan are saying the same. If our country was not divided, they would be better off. Every political party in our present system uses every minority as votebank. This is common. As far as secularism is concerned, even BJP claims it is secular. Secularism means the State can not prefer one side to other on the basis of religion, community or caste.

Q: Sir,suppose the Sc supports the high courts judgement,As far as I understand,you can not give away or barter waqf land on religious grounds(shariyat law).If yes then what? Asked by: Kamal Agg

A: We insist that whatever is the judicial decision, we will. Let there be no doubt about that.

Q: Why is it that in such conflicts both parties take a hard stand and a spirit of give & taake does not happen.??Is it the politicians or the religious leaders who should take the blame for this ?? Asked by: sundar1950in

A: It was not a religious matter. It was a legal issue. The Muslim leadership only said that. We just said that on our own, we won;t give an inch of the masjid land, the area of actual worship. The court can but as Muslims can't do this of their own will

Q: Why one community gets worked up on demolition of a disputed structure and none from them say a word when thousands of members of other community from Kashmir are forced to leave their homes??? Why is a structure built on land important than human beings? Asked by: A NATIONALIST INDIAN

A: I am perhaps the only Muslim leader who visited Kashmiri refugees. But the demolition of a place of worship can't be compared to this.

Q:Do you agree both with the observation as well as the recommendation of Sachar committee? Asked by: Faisal Mahboob

A: I had many sessions with the committee. There are certain things I do not agree with. Some things must change for sure. We have been talking about reservations. You measure a backward community and see what can be done. Quota is a tool which can be used to ensure equity.

Q: Sir, after all these years, do u still believe that the issue will be resolved and we will get justice?? Asked by: Anonymous

A: I have no doubt except you need patience and tolerance. We trust our judiciary.

Q: Do we need sharp and pointed legislation against religious discrimination? Asked by: Faisal Mahboob

A: We have a UN law and convention against religious discrimination. Minority rights are established norms across the world. As member of UN, India has voted and accepted them. There is no need for separate legislation and our Constitution is extremely modern and progressive in that regard.

Q: Hello Sir, I temporarily live in the US. I visited Europe. In this part of the world, Muslims fear to show their identities like for example they don't wear veil or i hardly see Muslims with beard & without Mustache like they do in India. In that sense, don't you think Indian majority people are open minded and don't you think instead of telling that you are a Muslim, we have to live together in India ?. Asked by: aditya.yanamand

A: We all believe now in freedom and whenever there is a conflict of social nature, it's important to grant freedom. It is the only way to resolve such conflicts.

Q: Why cant we think of aving a university, hospital etc at the site.?This indeed would be a true pace of worship which would benifit all of us specially the poorer of the poor. I am sure the god almighty be it Ram, Allah, Christ or any oythe would be very happy and bless all of us. Asked by: Arun

A: In India, we are not short of land but why at the cost of a masjid? It is a place of worship. How can you take it away? Moreover, the Hinduvta forces do not want that.

Q: Don't you think that the life of minorities in India is much better than that of minorities in Pakistan? Asked by: Shyam Vadalker

A: I do not wish to make any comparison. We are Indians under a democracy and we have the Indian Constitution. Pakistan does not have these benefits. In my opinion, this is not a relevant thing. We have to better ourselves. The govt has not used tanks or big guns in Kashmir like the Chinese and Russians have done. Though Muslims have suffered in India, today they are better off than they were twenty years back.

Q: Don't you think that communal elements in both communities are trying to use this issue and polarising the people of this country? Asked by: Nasir

A: This is right but on this issue, Muslims have not been communal. When the doors have been opened, we requested the matter to be handed over to the court. But the other side resorted to yatras, bhashans etc. But it's good majority of India does not think that way.

[20 years on] 'Still struggling to file FIR against cops who killed son!' - The Free Press Journal, Mumbai, India

http://freepressjournal.in/still-struggling-to-file-fir-against-cops-who-killed-son/




 December 6, 2012 12:41:26 AM | By Zeeshan Shaikh

Still struggling to file FIR against cops who killed son!

Mumbai : Tahir Wagle, a 62-year-old resident of Mazgaon, is fighting a relentless battle since the last 20 years to file an FIR against Byculla police officials who shot dead his son Shahnawaz Wagle on January 10, 1993.

Tahir Wagle and his wife Akhtari display the picture of their son Shahnawaz who was killed by cops

On one hand, the police claims that Shahnawaz was shot while being part of a rioting mob while on the other side, Wagle’s family maintains that Shahnawaz was dragged out of his home in Pathan Chawl, Mazgaon and shot at point blank range in the compound in front of their neighbours.

Inspite of an eyewitness Yasmin Wagle, elder sister of the victim who had seen a police constable shooting Shahnawaz from the balcony of second floor where the Wagle family resides, the police has refused to register a case, says Tahir a retired employee.

The day when Shahnawaz was killed his father Tahir was in Ratnagiri. “Early morning on January 10, 1993, a curfew was declared and we were at home. Then suddenly many officers came to our chawl and arrested 81 persons including my son Shahnawaz. I requested and begged in front of police officers to leave my son and in return the officers beat me with the stick”, said Akhtari Wagle, 58, mother of Shahnawaz.

Akhtari added, that my daughter Yasmin who had seen the whole incident from the balcony called saying that the police had shot Shahnawaz.

Kishore Mabkar was poking my son at the place of the gun shot injury with his rifle’s bayonet again and again, as my son lay on the ground, said Akhtari.

After Shahnawaz was shot, the mother and the sister begged in front of police officers to hand over the body to them “But the officers took the body of Shahnawaz and dumped it in the JJ hospital”, alleges Akhtari.

The Srikrishna Commission in its report submitted in February 1998, had referred the killing of Shahnawaz as a “cold blooded murder” by police officers and had asked for a special investigation into it.

Tahir said, “We decided to file a complaint against the police after four years as my wife and my daughter were mentally shocked seeing Shahnawaz dying in front of them. And the day when I decided to register an FIR against the police everyone started misguiding us”.

Whether it was police officers from Byculla police station, IPS officers of Mumbai, or Muslim leaders, everyone made Tahir run from pillar to post to register an FIR against Byculla police officials who were present at the spot in 1993.

Some four years back, Tahir received the post-mortem report of Shahnawaz from JJ hospital at the behest of MLA Bala Nandgaonkar who asked JJ hospital officials to provide him the report.

Some four months back, Tahir decided to file a writ petition in the high court and approached the Jamiat-Ulema-e-Maharashtra’s legal cell to fight his case, but after three months Tahir was kept waiting and later the general secretary of Jamiat, Gulzar Azmi, refused to file a petition in his case, alleges Tahir.

Later the Wagle family approached Abu Azmi, the Samajwadi president who assured that financial aid would be given to the family by him in filing the writ petition seeking an FIR by CBI against police officers and Rs 25 lakh compensation. He also hired a lawyer for them.

The petition filed by Akhtari Wagle through her lawyer advocate Ejaz Naqvi, stated the whole incident and requested the court seeking an FIR by CBI and investigating the role of some Byculla police officers and their superiors, including DCP K L Bishnoi, ACP Jadhav, SPI Ulhas Patankar, PI B B Patil, PI Vaivle, PI Bhalme, PSI Phartade, PSI Ram Desai, PSI Gora Sawant, along with other police staff of Byculla police station.

“Inspite of 20 years having passed, the Shahnawaz murder is been exploited by Muslim leaders, who never helped, made me kept waiting outside their offices for several hours and no one stood beside me”, said Tahir.

Four months back, a report on Shanawaz murder was submitted to the Mumbai police commissioner by additional commissioner Pravin Salunke, who asked Tahir to collect the report from the Chairman of Minority Commission but Tahir is upset with the attitude of the Chairman, Munaaf Hakim.

Zeeshan Shaikh

Why al-Qaeda finds no recruits in India - By Andrew North - BBC

http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-asia-india-20590302

5 December 2012

Why al-Qaeda finds no recruits in India

By Andrew North

BBC News, Mumbai and Delhi

India's 180 million remain one of its poorest communities

Habiba Ismail Khan can't forget the day her eldest son ventured out to get food and water.

Their Mumbai slum had been overcome by communal rioting, sparked by the destruction of the Babri Mosque by Hindu hardliners in faraway Ayodhya.

This week marks the 20th anniversary of that event, one of the biggest tests since independence of India's secular ideals.

After days trapped inside, the sounds and smells of killing around them, he made a dash for supplies.

"He was 18, the only earner," says Habiba. "My heart cries for him every day."

Caught by a Hindu mob he never had a chance.

No headway

He was one of nearly 600 Muslims killed in the Mumbai riots, the bulk of the victims. At least 275 Hindus died too.

But far from being spontaneous, a government commission later concluded much of the violence was an organised pogrom by Hindu extremists.

Two decades later, Muslims remain a marginalised minority - although minority seems the wrong word for a group that numbers nearly 180 million, making India the third largest Muslim nation in the world after Indonesia and next-door Pakistan.

Yet while its neighbour is in constant turmoil because of Islamic extremism, it's striking how little it has emerged in India.

"Fundamentalism has not taken root here" says Vikram Sood, the former head of India's foreign intelligence service.

Habiba Ismail Khan's son was killed in religious riots

While there have been bombings claimed by indigenous groups such as the Indian Mujahideen, they have been few and far between and there is no sign it has significant support.

The biggest attacks in India involving Muslims have had clear evidence of Pakistani involvement.

Despite having 10% of the world's Muslims to recruit from, al-Qaeda has made no headway here.

And no Indian Muslim has gone to fight in Afghanistan with the Taliban. "Or even Kashmir," adds Sood.

Yet the provocations have continued - with hundreds more Muslims dying in the 2002 Gujarat riots, when there was again clear evidence of Hindu extremists orchestrating the killing.

After the death last month of Bal Thackeray, the leader of a right-wing Hindu party accused of a central role in the 1992 Mumbai riots, Habiba was bracing herself for a repeat.

Little hope


"Things can go wrong any time. We are just counting the days".

One thing has changed though in Jogeshwari - a sprawling slum area with lanes so narrow residents often have to walk single file.

Mixed areas have largely disappeared and there is now a clear division between Muslim and Hindu neighbourhoods. A road marks the "border" between what Hindus call "Little Pakistan'"and their side, Hindustan, or India.

People in the Muslim part of Jogeshwari see little hope of their lives improving.

Hindu and Muslim areas in Jogeshwari are clearly demarcated

"Only Hindus get good jobs, in banks or government," complains Habiba's neighbour Marzina, who moved into a cramped two-room house with her family after the riots for safety.

The figures back her up - showing Muslims bumping along the bottom with Hindu untouchable castes and tribal groups in income, employment, literacy and access to education.

While they make up 14-15% of the population, they hold barely 4% of government jobs and they are far more likely than other groups to be in informal employment, running street stalls or the like.

Some Muslims are doing well: Indian movie stars like Shah Rukh Khan, Salman Khan and Aamir Khan.

But they don't emphasise their heritage.

Another big industry name with Muslim origins, film-maker Mahesh Bhatt, believes it helped him that his mother covered them up.

She was Muslim but says she gave him a Hindu name to prevent his identity from becoming "an albatross"

He now uses his movie fame as a platform to speak out for Muslim causes.

India pretends to be more secular and inclusive than it is, he maintains.

"Why does India celebrate a black man in the White House?" he demands when we meet at his Mumbai office.

"I'll celebrate only when we have a Muslim in the prime minister's chair in India."

'Another world'

To critics, Bhatt is a habitual controversialist with a gift for a headline.

But he is unusual in speaking up at all for India's Muslims. Unlike Hindus, they have no national political party representing them.

There is a stronger tendency to keep quiet and work with the system.

Muslims hold barely 4% of government jobs

"We can't go and live in another world" says Dr Mohammed Khatkhatay who runs a charity providing education and training in Mumbai's slums, mostly to Muslims.

In some ways, this is just common sense. However many there are, Muslims are still a minority. "If I pierce someone's eye," says Dr Khatkhatay, "the result will be the whole of our community goes blind."

It's much harder for any cohesive Islamic identity - let alone militant ideology - to gain ground in India's huge and diverse society - where Muslims share little except their faith.

So a Muslim from Kerala in the south who may be descended from seafarers has more in common with Hindus or Christians in the state than he does with Muslims from Uttar Pradesh in the north.

The widespread adherence to more moderate, inclusive Sufi Islamic teachings have also helped stall the emergence of militancy.

The government also has a tighter hold on madrassas or religious schools, which in Pakistan have become a bedrock of recruits for the Taliban and others.

Looking across their borders to its majority-Muslim neighbours, Indian Muslims have concluded they are better off here argues Najeeb Jung, Vice Chancellor of Delhi's Jamia Millia University.

"The big watershed was 1971" he says, when Bangladesh broke away from Pakistan. "If ever there was a romance with Pakistan, it was over then"

Dr Jung is less gloomy about Muslims here, believing "they are faring as well or as badly as everyone else."

But therein lies the danger. The economy has sagged badly in the past year with no sign yet it has bottomed out.

"If we get the economy going again," says Vikram Sood, "all these issues will wither away. If it doesn't happen, they will multiply, disproportionately"

CBI may have erred in Malegaon [bomb-blast] probe - By Deeptiman Tiwary - Times New Network

http://mobiletoi.timesofindia.com/mobile.aspx?article=yes&pageid=9&sectid=edid=&edlabel=TOIM&mydateHid=29-11-2012&pubname=Times+of+India+-+Mumbai&edname=&articleid=Ar00900&publabel=TOI



CBI may have erred in Malegaon probe

Outgoing Chief Denies Govt Pawn Charge
Deeptiman Tiwary TNN

New Delhi:Outgoing CBI director A P Singh on Wednesday admitted that there may have been errors in the agencys investigation of the 2006 Malegaon blasts,where nine alleged SIMI men were initially arrested by Maharashtra ATS only to be later bailed out after the role of Hindu extremists came to light.

He,however,denied that the agency was used by the government to coerce allies and opponents,saying cases involving political heavyweights like BSP leader Mayawati and SP chief Mulayam Singh Yadav are in the courts and the agency has nothing to do with them.

The Malegaon case had seen some sensational developments after Swami Aseemanand,close to the Abhinav Bharat group,confessed that the blasts were carried out by the Hindu outfit.The blasts case was handed over to CBI by the Maharashtra government in December 2006,on the same day that the ATS filed a chargesheet against the nine arrested men.In February,2010,CBI filed a supplementary chargesheet,almost toeing the ATS line.

Post-Aseemanands confession,CBI started a reinvestigation in the case in 2011 on the saffron terror line before the case was handed over to National Investigation Agency.

On the two lines of investigations,Singh said,At that time (during the first investigation ) there was not even a hint of Hindu terror angle.However,after the Aseemanand confession,new information was revealed and the agency began to act on this information.Now the case is with the NIA.Once it completes its investigation,we will know what,if any,mistakes were made by the CBI.

On charges of the government using the CBI for political ends,Singh said,Nobody can direct us.We investigate our cases and take them to court.I will maintain CBI is not a handmaiden of the government.I keep hearing that Mayawati and Mulayam are manipulated through CBI.All cases against them are now with the court.We have nothing to do with them.

Singh,however,agreed that there was a perception that CBI was a whip wielded by the government and this needed to be addressed.The best way to do that would be making the appointment of CBI director through the collegium system.That way,no one will allege that the CBI chief is a government appointee, Singh said.

Interestingly,his successor Ranjit Sinhas appointment has been hit by a controversy with BJP leaders arguing that the decision should be kept on hold until the collegium system recommended by the select committee on the Lokpal bill is implemented.

Cases involving UP chieftains Mayawati and Mulayam Singh,who are important outside supporters of the government,have made news in the past with the CBI reported to have changed its position before the court.Singhs remarks may indicate that the cases are now beyond any intervention.

On the issue of extending the CBI directors tenure,Singh said,It takes one year just to understand what is happening.By the time one puts things in motion,the tenure is over.If I had more time,I could have accomplished a few more things such as filling all the vacancies,posting my officers abroad for speedy processing of letter rogatories (LRs) and get a state-of-the-art forensics laboratory sanctioned.

The outgoing director said he was satisfied with the way CBI was functioning but stressed that the agency needed to speed up investigations.For that to be achieved,LR processes have to be quick and government needs to expedite sanctions, he added.



A P Singh said the NIA investigation would reveal what mistakes,if any,were made by the CBI in the 2006