Sunday, January 8, 2012

New York Times
The Sunday Review

Op-Ed Columnist


Op-Ed Columnist

Watching Elephants Fly

Thomas Fuchs
By
Published: January 7, 2012

Cairo

Josh Haner/The New York Times
Thomas L. Friedman
SOMEDAY I’d love to create a journalism course based on covering the uprising in Egypt, now approaching its first anniversary. Lesson No. 1 would be the following: Whenever you see elephants flying, shut up and take notes. The Egyptian uprising is the equivalent of elephants flying. No one predicted it, and no one had seen this before. If you didn’t see it coming, what makes you think you know where it’s going? That’s why the smartest thing now is to just shut up and take notes.

If you do, the first thing you’ll write is that the Islamist parties — the Muslim Brotherhood and the Salafist Al Nour Party — just crushed the secular liberals, who actually sparked the rebellion here, in the free Egyptian parliamentary elections, winning some 65 percent of the seats. To not be worried about the theocratic, antipluralistic, anti-women’s-rights, xenophobic strands in these Islamist parties is to be recklessly naïve. But to assume that the Islamists will not be impacted, or moderated, by the responsibilities of power, by the contending new power centers here and by the priority of the public for jobs and clean government is to miss the dynamism of Egyptian politics today.

Come with me to Cairo’s dirt-poor Shubra el-Khema neighborhood and the dilapidated Omar Abdel Aziz School, where I watched the last round of voting on Wednesday at a women-only voting center. We were guided by Amr Hassan, a 22-year-old commerce student from the ’hood — a secular youth, who fought to topple the Hosni Mubarak regime in Tahrir Square last year.

Here is what was so striking: virtually all the women we interviewed after the voting — all of whom were veiled, some with only slits for their eyes — said that they had voted for either the Muslim Brotherhood or the Salafists. But almost none said they had voted that way for religious reasons.

Many said they voted for Islamists because they were neighbors, people they knew, while secular liberal candidates had never once visited. Some illiterate elderly women confided that they could not read the ballot and just voted where their kids told them to. But practically all of them said they had voted for the Muslim Brotherhood or Salafist candidates because they expected them to deliver better, more honest government — not more mosques or liquor bans.

Here are some quotes from Egyptian women on why they voted Islamist: “I love the Muslim Brotherhood; they are the only honest ones. ... I want good education and clean air to breathe. ... We need proper medical care. ... I want my kids to be properly educated. 

They can’t find any jobs. ... The Muslim Brotherhood is not just an Islamist party. It is going to help solve all the problems of the country. ... We have to get the youth working and to raise salaries. Education here is only getting worse. ... My biggest fear is lack of security. We sit in our homes — afraid. You are afraid your son won’t be able to go back and forth to school without being kidnapped.”

Meanwhile, when I asked our young guide Hassan, the revolutionary, whom he had voted for, he said that he wrote on his ballot “Down with the SCAF” — the acronym for the Egyptian military council now running the country. He spat out his disgust with the fact that while secular youth like him toppled Mubarak, the Islamist parties were winning the elections and the army generals — who abandoned Mubarak to save themselves — were still in power!

And there you have Egypt today — a four-way power struggle between the army, the rising Islamist parties, the smaller liberal parties and the secular youth of Tahrir Square. All of them will have a say in how this story plays out. “We want to see a new Egyptian government with new thoughts,” said Hassan. “I am ready to go back into Tahrir Square if I have to.”

Indeed, everyone feels more empowered now. The army has its guns and now runs the country; both the Islamists and the liberals have won electoral mandates; and the secular youth from Tahrir feel empowered by the street — by their now proven ability to mobilize and to fight whenever they see things going awry. Even the silent majority here, called “The Party of the Couch,” feels more empowered, having just voted in high numbers in an election where the votes actually got counted.

My favorite election story was told to me by an international observer, who asked not to be identified. His voting station had just closed and as the polling workers were loading up the box filled with votes onto a bus to be taken to a central counting station, an Egyptian woman, who had just voted, ran over to them and shouted: “Please, never leave that box alone. This is our future. Go and make sure they put it in the right place.”

That box and all the hopes stuffed into it by so many average Egyptians is surely necessary for a new beginning here. But it is not sufficient. The country needs a leader — there is still a huge vacuum at the top — who can take all those votes, all those hopes, and meld them into a strategy to create the jobs, schooling, justice and security that all Egyptians clearly crave. If that happens, those ballot boxes really will have delivered a different future for Egypt. Until then, I am just taking notes.

Saturday, January 7, 2012

MY TODAY'S TWEETS ON INDIA'S ENGLISH NEWSPAPERS COMPLETELY IGNORING THE NEWS OF INNOCENT MUSLIMS FREED AND COMPENSATED

MY TODAY'S TWEETS ON INDIA'S ENGLISH NEWSPAPERS COMPLETELY IGNORING THE NEWS OF ANDHRA PRADESH GOVERNMENT OFFERING COMPENSATION CHECKS OF RUPEES 3 LAKHS EACH TO INNOCENTS FREED BY COURTS OF ALL CHARGES RELATING TO MECCAS MASJID BLAST:

THOUGH MUMBAI'S 4 URDU DAILY NEWSPAPER FRONT-PAGED THE NEWS WITH PHOTOS OF INNOCENTS RECEIVING COMPENSATION CHECKS, NOT A SINGLE ENGLISH NEWSPAPER, INCLUDING THE TIMES OF INDIA, THE INDIAN EXPRESS, HINDUSTRAN TIMES, DNA, FREE PRESS JOURNAL, ECONOMIC TIMES, MINT, BOTHERED TO CARRY THE NEWS OF MUSLIMS BEING EXONERATED OF ALL SUCH MOTIVATED AND COMMUNALISED SECURITY CRACKDOWN ON INDIAN MUSLIMS; WHILE EACH OF THESE NEWSPAPERS WERE IN THE FOREFRONT OF MALIGNING AND DEMONISING MUSLIMS FOR TERROR BOMBINGS, POSSIBLY AT THE BEHEST OF INDIA'S HIGHLY COMMUNALISED ANTI-MUSLIM SECURITY AGENCIES. IT IS TIME, THESE NEWSPAPERS REALISED HOW WRONG, HOW COMMUNALISED THEY HAVE BEHAVED IN TARGETING INNOCENT MUSLIMS WITH THEIR READY FULL BLOWN PROPAGANDA, EVEN CARRYING SUCH HEADLINES AND LONG FRONT PAGES ANALYSIS, WITHOUT ANY PROOF OR ANY EVIDENCE. IN FACT THEY HAVE COMMITTED A SERIOUS CRIME AND ARE VULNERABLE TO DEFAMATION PROCEEDING IF MUSLIMS CHOOSE TO SEEK JUSTICE AGAINST THEM AND THE SECURITY AGENCIES AND THEIR PERSONNEL FOR WRONGFUL PROPAGANDA AND MOTIVATED ARRESTS AND PROSECUTION, RESPECTIVELY.


Ghulam Muhammed
GhulamMuhammed Ghulam Muhammed
India's English Newspapers, howling with Front Page coverage of arrests of Muslim suspects on terror charges. r now silent when they r freed


Ghulam Muhammed
GhulamMuhammed Ghulam Muhammed
If India's English media is non-communal, they shud carry the news of Muslims freed by courts as innocents and state offering compensation.
47 seconds ago

THE MAN WHO BOUGHT MUMBAI'S URDU NEWSPAPER INQUILAB: MAHENDRA MOHAN GUPTA

THE MAN WHO BOUGHT MUMBAI'S URDU NEWSPAPER INQUILAB: MAHENDRA MOHAN GUPTA

http://www.livemint.com/2012/01/06211207/Mahendra-Mohan-Gupta--Complet.html




Mahendra Mohan Gupta​ | Completely on the record


The CMD of Jagran Prakashan on the future of print media, why he could not handle TV news, and the importance of family values

By Shuchi Bansal


Mahendra Mohan Gupta, chairman and managing director (CMD) of the Jagran Prakashan group, is reticent on government affairs and the Lokpal Bill. His political correctness is ironical, given his status as a member of Parliament (MP) sent to the upper house by the Samajwadi Party. But the sprightly Kanpur-based septuagenarian, who heads a formidable newspaper company that prints India’s largest read Hindi daily, Dainik Jagran, offers a reason for restraint.
“I am a newspaper proprietor and my political viewpoint is not the view of the paper that is read by 16.4 million people. I make my point about the government and its performance on the floor of the House. You can quote me from what I say in the House,” he suggests.


 
Dressed in a kurta-pyjama with a Nehru jacket, Gupta, or MMG as he is known to colleagues, is sitting behind a large, neat desk in a small office in the Indian Newspaper Society (INS) building on New Delhi’s Rafi Marg. The INS building is a stone’s throw from Parliament and Gupta uses it for meetings when he’s in town for Parliament sessions. He takes his role as an MP seriously. “You can check my attendance. It will be 90%,” he says, smiling, as he makes a telephone call to order lemon tea and biscuits.
 He may be tight-lipped on current affairs but Gupta is surprisingly open about the affairs of his media empire, which straddles print, radio and outdoor. Queries on events in the company, which is listed on the Bombay Stock Exchange, never go unanswered.


Like the one about what prompted the closure of the Delhi and Bangalore editions of Mid Day? “Losses,” he replies. “We could not have made money in Delhi for the next 10 years.” Mid Day, the Mumbai-based tabloid, was acquired by Jagran from Tariq Ansari of Mid-Day Multimedia in 2010. For any significant impact in the Capital, the paper required Rs. 100 crore, an investment the company didn’t think was justified. The Mid Day brand turns in a Rs. 10 crore profit and the Delhi edition alone was losing Rs. 5 crore a year. It was decided to focus on growing circulation in Mumbai and Pune instead, he adds.

However, Jagran has pumped money into Inquilab, the Urdu paper that came as part of the deal with Mid-Day Multimedia, and launched 10 new editions in the past one year. The company is open to further organic and inorganic growth. When its discussions with a Punjabi paper were inconclusive, the company started Jagran in Punjabi as a greenfield project some months ago.

Page-turner: A commerce graduate, Gupta joined his father’s company in 1954, when the newspaper used to sell 10,000 copies. Jayachandran/Mint
Page-turner: A commerce graduate, Gupta joined his father’s company in 1954, when the newspaper used to sell 10,000 copies. Jayachandran/Mint
 
In July, private equity firm Blackstone Group invested Rs. 225 crore in Jagran Media Network Investment Pvt. Ltd, the holding company for Jagran Prakashan, for an estimated 12% stake. Gupta views the Blackstone investment as a “good reserve fund” that will be used to grow the print business.
The remaining 88% shares in Jagran Media Network are held by the giant Gupta family comprising six brothers and their children, many of whom are employed in the company. The joint family has stayed together thanks to Gupta’s wisdom in dealing with family as well as company issues after the death of his elder brother, “Narendra bhaisahab”, in 2002. Narendra Mohan Gupta was the former chairman of the group and a Bharatiya Janata Party MP with connections at the party’s top level. He was almost single-handedly responsible for policy reforms in print and permission for foreign investment in newspapers.

Gupta seems other-worldly in his belief that the next generation would have imbibed their family values. “Our children are much more professionally qualified and smarter than us. Hopefully, they will stick together.” He feels that a family that eats together stays together and ensures that members who live in Kanpur are back home at meal times.

Gupta joined his father’s company in 1954, although the paper began in Jhansi in 1942 to support the freedom struggle. It survived bans by the British regime and thrived after independence, moving to Kanpur in 1947. “Its move to Kanpur was unplanned. From Jhansi we were initially moving our machines to Lucknow. We heard that The National Herald was launching a Hindi newspaper, Navjeevan, from Lucknow. We stopped the trucks in Kanpur and launched from the city,” says Gupta.

He is grateful to his father Puran Chandra Gupta, who had the vision to build a large bungalow complex in Kanpur with separate wings for each of his sons. “In most households, the fight begins with the kitchen. If separate kitchens are assigned, they are not even used and everybody flocks to the common kitchen. That is how we live in Kanpur,” he says. Even though some members of the family work in other cities, their places back home are secure. He ensures that members of the joint family congregate to celebrate festivals and other occasions at least twice a year. Three weeks ago, for instance, the clan collected at the Jim Corbett National Park to celebrate Gupta’s 50th wedding anniversary.

So far, the Jagran group has avoided the public family disputes that seem to have dogged other family-owned enterprises, such as Kasturi and Sons, publishers of The Hindu, and the Maheshwaris-owned Amar Ujala. Gupta sees no case for conflict as decisions in the company are taken by a professional board. In any case, scope for family feuds was minimized by bringing in foreign investment quite early and listing the company soon after. “If anybody wants to exit, he can offer the shares to the balance family or is free to sell them in the market,” he says.



 
Besides, Gupta ensures family members get to do assignments they like and are “qualified” to take up. He remains accessible to his senior staff on phone 24x7. “They don’t have to go through a secretary,” he adds. One of his sisters-in-law is a features editor at the paper. Yet others are employed in the family’s non-media businesses including education (schools) and an export-oriented manufacturing unit. The sugar mill owned by the family was sold four years ago. “Sugar mill owners are arm-twisted by the state governments because of controls. It was difficult being in the newspaper business and owning a sugar mill,” confesses Gupta.

Although Jagran has been an early adopter of new technology and smart marketing, it is often accused of imitating Bennett, Coleman and Co. Ltd, the group promoting the market leader, The Times of India. “The reverse is true. They follow us. We were the first to launch multiple editions of Dainik Jagran. But such remarks do not disturb me. I am still a scholar and not ashamed of adopting something that may be good,” says Gupta.

The strides taken by the electronic and digital media in India have not shaken Gupta’s faith in print. Newspapers will survive in spite of the iPad, believes Gupta who is also the managing editor of Dainik Jagran. “TV news has made us relevant. People trust what they read in the morning,” he says, not masking his disappointment with news television.

Nearly eight years ago, the company launched Channel 7 in Hindi. Soon, it realized the channel was not only a money guzzler but fed on sensationalism for growth. It did not fit in with Jagran’s genre of muted journalism. The channel found a buyer in Raghav Bahl, the promoter of the Network18 group, and was renamed IBN7. “A serious news channel is not economically viable,” says Gupta, adding that even MPs would behave themselves in the House if the proceedings were not telecast live.

As he politely excuses himself for another meeting, I have one last query, about the Audi Q7 parked inside the INS building complex. Is he into snazzy cars? “My son buys these for me. I have an Audi Q5 in Kanpur which I use for long drives. I like driving on the highways. In the city (Kanpur), I am happy to drive in my i10,” says Gupta.

Friday, January 6, 2012

A watchdog needs teeth By Shanti Bhushan - Times of India | Bajrang vigilantes cry cow-slaughter, beat, humiliate Muslim trader - By Milin Ghatwai -The Indian Express

http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/home/opinion/edit-page/A-watchdog-needs-teeth/articleshow/11391701.cms

The Times of India

Edit Page

TOP ARTICLE

A watchdog needs teeth

By Shanti Bhushan
Jan 7, 2012, 12.00AM IST
Contrary to the general perception that it was on account of the UPA's coalition partner, the Trinamool Congress, that the Congress did not proceed with the voting process in the Rajya Sabha on the Lokpal Bill, the truth is that it was the SP and BSP that were responsible for its humiliation.

The Congress was that great party which secured India its freedom, which fashioned its Constitution, which gave each man and woman one vote. This party rid India of untouchability and abolished zamindari, giving lands to tillers of the soil who were mainly OBCs.

But since the Emergency in 1975, the Congress hasn't looked like the party of Jawaharlal Nehru, Lal Bahadur Shastri, Rajendra Prasad and Vallabh-bhai Patel. It appeared to become progressively more corrupt and arrogant. It was in reaction to the all-pervading corruption spawned under the Congress that the Lokpal campaign became so popular so quickly.

The Congress was forced to make a show that it was committed to a strong and effective Lokpal Bill. But the Lokpal that it proposed to set up would be appointed and suspended by the government. And it would not have its own investigative machinery; it would be forced to rely on government-controlled investigative organisations.

The Lokpal Bill was a government Bill piloted by a minister. The general discussion on it had been completed and the minister was replying to the debate. Clause-by-clause consideration would have begun soon. Amendments for a broad-based selection committee instead of a government-dominated one, and for giving administrative control of the CBI to the Lokpal, would have been carried.

If the minister thereafter moved for passing this amended Bill, an effective Lokpal Bill would have emerged. However, the government was not prepared to have this kind of a Lokpal Bill. If the minister refused to move for passing the amended Bill, it would have been seen by the whole country. People would have turned against the government.

Some politicians allege that the Lokpal envisaged by the Jan Lokpal Bill would be too powerful and would become a parallel government. The absurdity of this argument is evident from the fact that, firstly, the Jan Lokpal Bill proposes to establish a Lokpal at the Centre and 28 Lokayuktas, one in every state, each selected by different selection committees. Secondly, the only authority of the Lokpal would be to investigate corruption cases and send them for trial to the courts.

Moreover, the proposed Jan Lokpal would have been made the most accountable institution in the country. India's superior courts have far greater power to issue any direction or quash any order of any authority. Though these courts are totally unaccountable, the same people find no problem with them. They are not even willing to have corruption in the judiciary investigated by an independent investigative body.

Of course, there is no force in the contention of the BJP and the Trinamool Congress that the chapters relating to Lokayuktas are beyond Parliament's legislative competence. Even if one disregards the UN Convention on Corruption and does not invoke Article 253 of India's Constitution, Parliament's legislative competence is obvious: entries 1 and 2 of the Concurrent List relate to criminal law and criminal procedure, and the Bill is fully covered by these entries.

So long as the provisions in the Bill have a rational connection with criminal law or criminal procedure, Parliament will have the power to enact it even if some provision relates to an entry in the State List.

The only provision in the Lokpal Bill, which may be said to be remotely touching the state services, is clause 93. It provides that when - while making a prelimi-nary enquiry - a Lokayukta is satisfied that the continuance of a public servant in his post is likely to affect the preliminary enquiry adversely, it may recommend to the state government his transfer or suspension for a specific period. It is crystal clear that the chapters relating to the Lokayukta do not encroach on the power of the state under the Constitution.


The provision mandating that not less than 50% of Lokpal members shall be from among persons belonging to SCs, STs, OBCs, minorities and women is clearly unconstitutional. At least 50% posts are collectively reserved for specified categories. Article 16(1) of the Constitution says: "There shall be equality of opportunity for all citizens in matters relating to employment or appointment to any office under the State." Article 16(4) says, "Nothing in the article shall prevent the State from making any provision for the reservation of appointment or post in favour of any backward class of citizens which, in the opinion of the State, is not adequately represented in the services under the State."

The Lokpal is clearly an office under the "State" and Article 16(1) gets attracted. Reservation permitted by Article 16(4) is confined to backward classes of citizens. Even if some sections of minorities or women could be regarded as backward, the provision in the Bill is not confined to them. It is therefore unconstitutional.

No major party really wants an effective Lokpal. What kind of Lokpal we finally do get will depend on the kind of public pressure that the people will be able to bring to bear on the political class.

The writer, a former Union law minister, is a social activist.
----------------------
http://www.indianexpress.com/news/bajrang-vigilantes-cry-cowslaughter-beat-humiliate-muslim-trader/896817/0
Sat, 7 Jan 2012



PAGE 1 ANCHOR

Bajrang vigilantes cry cow-slaughter, beat, humiliate Muslim trader

MP [Madhya Pradesh] police rescue man, charge him illegal ferrying of cattle, put him in jail

Milind Ghatwai


Bhopal: 
 
FP


A Muslim cattle trader’s son was beaten and part of his head, one eyebrow and half his moustache shaved off by alleged Bajrang Dal workers in Chhindwara in Madhya Pradesh after he refused to give them money to allow him to ferry cattle which the attackers alleged were meant for slaughter.
Police rescued the 25-year-old victim, Anish Aslam Kureshi, but charged him with unlawfully transporting cattle for slaughter under a state law for preserving cattle, and the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals Act. A sessions court in Chhindwara ordered his release on bail today.

His attackers, whom the police identified as Bajrang Dal workers, were also arrested, but were charged with minor offences. They were released almost immediately by the Bichhua police station.

On December 22, a tough new Madhya Pradesh anti-cow slaughter law providing for seven years in jail for eating beef, empowering police to carry out raids on mere suspicion, and putting the burden of proving innocence on the accused received presidential assent.

Kureshi was not charged under this law.

According to Kureshi’s father Aslam Kureshi who met Governor Ram Naresh Yadav in Bhopal today, his son was waylaid by a Bajrang Dal group at Sarangbihari in the small hours of December 31. The men demanded money to allow him to pass, and when Anish refused, they damaged the Bolero pick-up he was driving, and dragged him to Goni village some two kilometres away.

They took away the Rs 8,315, mobile phone and ATM card that Anish was carrying, and after tying him to a pole, beat and shaved him, Kureshi told the Governor. He was about to be paraded in the village when police rescued him, Kureshi said.

Kureshi alleged the Bajrang Dal workers had torn up the receipt that proved the cattle in Anish’s vehicle had been purchased the previous day from a fair in Chandgram. The cattle were meant for sale in Umranala bazaar, the family said, and denied that they were headed for a slaughterhouse.

“We often give them (the Bajrang Dal) money to escape harassment. That day they asked for Rs 20,000 and beat up and humiliated Anish who refused to pay,” Anish’s younger brother Salman Kureshi told The Indian Express.

“The local police had to plead with the Bajang Dal leaders to free Anish,” said the father.

Chhindwara SP Dr Ashish said both Anish and his attackers were in the wrong. He said the police booked seven Bajrang Dal workers for bailable offences because the Kureshis refused to share details with the police. In the light of new allegations, he said, he had asked SDOP (Saunsar) Bhupendra Sengar to probe further.

Both SP Ashish and SDOP Sengar said the Kureshis were into the illegal transport of cattle, and often sold them to a slaughterhouse in a neighbouring state. Anish was carrying no transport permit or medical certificates for the cattle.

Monday, January 2, 2012

Muslim cleric unites small parties in UP [state in India] - By Mohammed Anas - The Sunday Guardian

Muslim cleric unites small parties in UP

MOHAMMED ANAS  NEW DELHI | 1st Jan
A prominent Muslim cleric, Maulana Salman Nadwi, who is a teacher at Darul Uloom Nadwa seminary, Lucknow and a member of the All India Muslim Personal Law Board, has assembled 13 small political parties in Uttar Pradesh, to form a joint front, Ittehad Front. Ittehad will contest all 403 Assembly seats in the upcoming polls in the state.

The front will be headed by the Peace Party. It will include the Indian Justice Party (IJP) of Dr Udit Raj, Apna Dal of Anupriya Patel, Om Prakash Rajbhar's Bhartiya Samaj Party, Qaumi Ekta Dal of Mukhtar Ansari, Ittehad-e-Millat Council of Maulana Tauqeer Raza Khan, Bundelkhand Congress of Raja Bundela, Gondwana Gantantra Party of Devendra Gaur, Bharatiya Lokhit Party, India National League, Rashtriya Parivartan Morcha, Bharatiya Yuva Kalyan Party of M.A. Siddique, National Loktantrik Party of Arshad Khan, Rashtriya Parivartan Morcha of Bhagwan Singh and Bharatiya Jansewa Party of Swami Luxmi Shankaracharya.

Talking to The Sunday Guardian, Nadwi made it clear that his seminary had nothing to do with the political alliance. "Darul Uloom Nadwa will not have any say in the functioning of the front. But it definitely enjoys the blessings of the elders of the seminary," he said. When asked whether after the Darul Uloom Deoband, Nadwa was emerging as the epicentre of Muslim politics, Nadwi refused to comment.

Dr Mohammed Ayub, the chief of the Peace Party, said that the front has been formed to challenge the hegemony of the mainstream parties. "Our front will be free of caste and religious influences. We are a platform of alternative political forces in the state. Our target is to unite voters of backward and very backward sections of all communities," said Ayub. Ayub claimed that the front will win so many seats in the state that the next government will not be formed without help from it.

No mean feat, this - By Seema Mustafa - The Free Press Journal, Mumbai, India

http://www.freepressjournal.in/news/40721-no-mean-feat-this.html

logo


No mean feat, this
  • By Seema Mustafa
  • Jan 02, 2012

It was because of Hazare and the support he had got from the people that the government had been forced to strengthen its earlier Lokpal Bill

The politicians from the ruling party and its allies in government consoled themselves by ridiculing the ageing Gandhian Anna Hazare sitting on fast in Mumbai; the media that has long ago stopped thinking for itself joined the finger pointing, writing and talking about the 'fading glory'of the Hazare movement as the crowds had not turned out in expected numbers. But in the process both forgot that it was because of Anna Hazare and the support he had got from the people that the government had been forced to somewhat strengthen its earlier Lokpal Bill and extend the winter session of Parliament to table the legislation, discuss and pass it if possible.
This was no mean feat, and has to be factored into any analysis of the high voltage drama the country has been experiencing over the last few days in particular.

There can be no two opinions that the Lokpal Bill needs to be strengthened.

And that in its present form it will not serve the purpose of setting up a high powered, independent authority that can impartially and fearlessly probe cases of corruption till the logical end. For this it is imperative that the government hold on the appointment and removal of the Lokpal under the present Bill is relinquished to a representative body comprising renowned persons from the judiciary, Parliament and perhaps even other walks of life that can be expected to act impartially, without fear or favour. It is also necessary to bring the cases falling under the purview of the Prevention of Corruption Act to the Lokpal for investigation and adjudication, which basically means that the independence of the Central Bureau of Investigation ( CBI) has to become subordinate to the Lokpal Authority on these matters. It is no secret that the CBI is used by the party in power to take revenge and control political foes with the proverbial carrot and stick policy helping run coalition governments. The governments unwillingness to bring the CBI under the Lokpal Authority is an indication of its unwillingness to give up its control, and stop using the CBI as a weapon to settle political scores.

The Congress party lost power in several states across the country in the 1980s because of an inherent authoritarianism that undermined the federal structure of the Indian Constitution.

Unfortunately, it has not learnt from the past experience and rarely misses an occasion to diminish the independence of the Indian states that make up the Union of India. An interesting aspect of the debate in Parliament has been the strong opposition from the regional parties to the provisions of the bill directing them to set up Lokayuktas, according to set guidelines. This, representatives of the regional parties pointed out one after the other, cut into the Constitutional provisions allowing the states full jurisdiction on such and related matters.

The CPM moved a good amendment to resolve this issue, whereby through an additional clause the bill would re- establish the autonomy of the states on this issue, without taking away from the Centres desire ( as expressed through the bill) for similar bodies to be set up in the states. MP Sitaram Yechury explaining this pointed out that with just an additional clause of a couple of lines, the government could ensure that the states were able to take their own decision on this issue within a span of six months.

But while the debate continues under the watchful eye of Anna Hazare and his supporters across the country - it is important to keep the background against which the Lokpal Bill is being discussed in and outside Parliament.

Corruption has never been so rampant, and can be directly traced to Prime Minister Manmohan Singhs economic reforms that have given the space for crores of rupees to exchange hands illegally, and in the process generate a parallel economy based entirely on black unaccounted money. Bribes that the corporates like to call commissions determine government decisions today, with ministers ( some in jail but most still outside) greasing their palms as they bring in policies to enable 'reforms'and furbish corporate coffer through lucrative deals.

Hundreds and thousands of farmers have committed suicide, and even today the levels of desperation in affected states have not abated. Poverty continues to take a heavy toll on lives, with the gap between the rich and the poor widening as levels of poverty deepen. 

It is true that a strong and effective Lokpal Bill will not be the panacea for all ills, and will not erase corruption but in a country where governments balk at any kind of action on this issue, it is at least a beginning. And a good beginning if some of the excellent amendments are pushed through, and the legislation becomes stronger and far reaching in its scope.

The debate in the Rajya Sabha has been largely on substance, and less on the kind of absurd issues raised by Lalu and his ilk in the Lower House.

The issue of reservations for Muslims for instance was just a ruse to derail the bill by hyping emotions and bringing the minorities into conflict with the rest. Fortunately the start of the debate in the Rajya Sabha moved away from such absurdities, with the political stalwarts making it clear that they wanted a good, sound piece of legislation that helped the country address the issue of corruption.

In its present form the political leaders outside the Congress were agreed, the bill was merely giving more powers to the perpetrators of corruption and not to the Lokpal Authority.

Anna Hazare has finally decided to save his energy for a political campaign across the country. He called off the fast partly because of failing health and partly because of the poorer than expected response in Mumbai. But even if the journalists do not know, he should know that the support has not diluted and people do want action against corruption.

The media and sections of the ruling party have been ridiculing his decision to campaign during the Assembly elections in five states, almost as if he does not have the right to do so, and that by being political he is somehow compromising himself. Strange reasoning as he, and everyone else in this country, is free to campaign for or against candidates and political parties. And if he can make a difference in the manner he hopes, well more power to him and his team. Meanwhile, let us wait for the government and Parliament to prove itself.

Huntington’s Clash Revisited - By DAVID BROOKS - THE NEW YORK TIMES



Op-Ed Columnist

Huntington’s Clash Revisited

By DAVID BROOKS
Published: March 3, 2011
Samuel Huntington was one of America’s greatest political scientists. In 1993, he published a sensational essay in Foreign Affairs called “The Clash of Civilizations?” The essay, which became a book, argued that the post-cold war would be marked by civilizational conflict.
Josh Haner/The New York Times
David Brooks
Go to Columnist Page »

The Conversation

Conversation
David Brooks and Gail Collins talk between columns.

Readers' Comments

Readers shared their thoughts on this article.
Human beings, Huntington wrote, are divided along cultural lines — Western, Islamic, Hindu and so on. There is no universal civilization. Instead, there are these cultural blocks, each within its own distinct set of values.
The Islamic civilization, he wrote, is the most troublesome. People in the Arab world do not share the general suppositions of the Western world. Their primary attachment is to their religion, not to their nation-state. Their culture is inhospitable to certain liberal ideals, like pluralism, individualism and democracy.
Huntington correctly foresaw that the Arab strongman regimes were fragile and were threatened by the masses of unemployed young men. He thought these regimes could fall, but he did not believe that the nations would modernize in a Western direction. Amid the tumult of regime change, the rebels would selectively borrow tools from the West, but their borrowing would be refracted through their own beliefs. They would follow their own trajectory and not become more Western.
The Muslim world has bloody borders, he continued. There are wars and tensions where the Muslim world comes into conflict with other civilizations. Even if decrepit regimes fell, he suggested, there would still be a fundamental clash of civilizations between Islam and the West. The Western nations would do well to keep their distance from Muslim affairs. The more the two civilizations intermingle, the worse the tensions will be.
Huntington’s thesis set off a furious debate. But with the historic changes sweeping through the Arab world, it’s illuminating to go back and read his argument today.
In retrospect, I’d say that Huntington committed the Fundamental Attribution Error. That is, he ascribed to traits qualities that are actually determined by context.
He argued that people in Arab lands are intrinsically not nationalistic. He argued that they do not hunger for pluralism and democracy in the way these things are understood in the West. But it now appears as though they were simply living in circumstances that did not allow that patriotism or those spiritual hungers to come to the surface.
It now appears that people in these nations, like people in all nations, have multiple authentic selves. In some circumstances, one set of identities manifests itself, but when those circumstances change, other equally authentic identities and desires get activated.
For most of the past few decades, people in Arab nations were living under regimes that rule by fear. In these circumstances, most people shared the conspiracy mongering and the political passivity that these regimes encouraged. But when the fear lessened, and the opportunity for change arose, different aspirations were energized. Over the past weeks, we’ve seen Arab people ferociously attached to their national identities. We’ve seen them willing to risk their lives for pluralism, openness and democracy.
I’d say Huntington was also wrong in the way he defined culture.
In some ways, each of us is like every person on earth; in some ways, each of us is like the members of our culture and group; and, in some ways, each of us is unique. Huntington minimized the power of universal political values and exaggerated the influence of distinct cultural values. It’s easy to see why he did this. He was arguing against global elites who sometimes refuse to acknowledge the power of culture at all.
But it seems clear that many people in Arab nations do share a universal hunger for liberty. They feel the presence of universal human rights and feel insulted when they are not accorded them.
Culture is important, but underneath cultural differences there are these universal aspirations for dignity, for political systems that listen to, respond to and respect the will of the people.
Finally, I’d say Huntington misunderstood the nature of historical change. In his book, he describes transformations that move along linear, projectable trajectories. But that’s not how things work in times of tumult. Instead, one person moves a step. Then the next person moves a step. Pretty soon, millions are caught up in a contagion, activating passions they had but dimly perceived just weeks before. They get swept up in momentums that have no central authority and that, nonetheless, exercise a sweeping influence on those caught up in their tides.
I write all this not to denigrate the great Huntington. He may still be proved right. The Arab world may modernize on its own separate path. But his mistakes illuminate useful truths: that all people share certain aspirations and that history is wide open. The tumult of events can transform the traits and qualities that seemed, even to great experts, etched in stone.
A version of this op-ed appeared in print on March 4, 2011, on page A27 of the New York edition.



HIGHLIGHT (what's this?)
JIH
Scandinavia
March 4th, 2011
11:34 am
Brooks wrote: "The Islamic civilization, he wrote, is the most troublesome. People in the Arab world do not share the general suppositions of the Western world."

I am not saying he is wrong or right, just remember the fact that the countries with most muslims are India, Indonesia, Pakistan and then Iran after Egypt. Only Egypt is an Arab country.
 Recommend  Recommended by 84 Readers
HIGHLIGHT (what's this?)
Neil D
Ohio
March 4th, 2011
11:41 am
Could it be that the clash is within civilizations and not between them? The partisan clash in the USA and the now obvious clash between the old arab dictators and their own people is the better model. I think the clash is (or ought to be) between religious and secular people and between the business elite (crony capitalists and dictators) and the working classes within each civilization.
 Recommend  Recommended by 91 Readers
HIGHLIGHT (what's this?)
paris
March 4th, 2011
11:41 am
I think the imposing role played by women, with and without a veil, in the revolts in Tunisia, Egypt and Libya - not forgetting Iran in the recent past - is a highly significant factor in the debate on whether some cultural values may be universal. The importance accorded to the status of women remains the vital litmus test of a society's desire for real democracy.
 Recommend  Recommended by 56 Readers
HIGHLIGHT (what's this?)
targetsea
Hong Kong
March 4th, 2011
11:43 am
I always thought Huntington became incoherent when he started trying to define his broad cultural generalizations. What is Asian culture? Japanese? Chinese? In what way are those similar cultures? What is Western culture? Italian? American? Ditto. And if you know Indonesia - the wold's largest muslim country with a unique culture - the idea of a common Islamic culture embracing all 1.6 billion muslims looks kind of silly.

With luck, we are just beginning to understand the diversity of Arab culture too. just looking at these revolts on the news, it is clear an Egyptian is not the same as a Lebanese or a Moroccan. It makes one quite hopeful that their futures are not predestined.
 Recommend  Recommended by 93 Readers
HIGHLIGHT (what's this?)
Paris, France
March 4th, 2011
11:43 am
@ Mike van Horn : Arab crowds want freedom and pluralism : "These aren't American values or Western values, but the things 90% of all people want when they get the chance." Yes, I do agree with you. I would add that these things are exactly what the Enlightment fought for and what religions, Christianisty as well as Islam, have tried so hard to destroy, up to now.
 Recommend  Recommended by 54 Readers
HIGHLIGHT (what's this?)
V L Rao
India
March 4th, 2011
11:47 am
While the tug of Islamic identity is very strong, Muslims do have a strong nationalist outlook. The Malays in Malaysia and Indonesia, the Banglas in Bangla Desh, the Arabs spread over many countries, the Turks, the Kurds again spread over many counties, the Iranians, the Pakstanis- all have stong nationalist urges, in spite of their common religion. The Arab culture of the Qoran does have a strong influence on these peoples, but their nationalist outlook is stronger.
 Recommend  Recommended by 20 Readers
HIGHLIGHT (what's this?)
Canada
March 4th, 2011
11:58 am
An interesting column.

One could also look at Japan which pretty much thoroughly "Westernized" after WWII. However, Japan did pick and choose what aspects of western culture it wanted to adopt. So today, though Japan is "westernized", it is still very much Japan.

I think the same sort of thing will happen in the Arab world.
 Recommend  Recommended by 63 Readers
HIGHLIGHT (what's this?)
east of eden
March 4th, 2011
2:01 pm
The possibility that Arab and African cultures might not turn to Western-style democracy and thinking should come as no surprise. The West has supported the antithesis of democratic values by supporting dictators and thugs throughout Africa and the Middle East for decades.

Any intelligent person would view the hypocritical sham of Western liberal thinking and decide to go in a different direction. After having lived under Mubarak and the various other criminals the West has propped up, a reasonable person could only surmise that liberal democracies are really only a shell game created to usurp oil and other resources.

How stupid do you think the Arab and African cultures are?
 Recommend  Recommended by 32 Readers
HIGHLIGHT (what's this?)
Joel Bergsman
St Leonard, MD
March 4th, 2011
2:01 pm
I would add that Huntington, and also you David in this column, err in conflating "Muslim" or "Islamic" with "Arab." If I recall H's paper, the things that he (rightly or wrongly) attributed to majority Muslim societies in fact apply almost exclusively to Arab societies -- not, e.g., to Indonesia, Pakistan, Bangladesh...
 Recommend  Recommended by 22 Readers
HIGHLIGHT (what's this?)
Paul Green
Washington DC
March 4th, 2011
2:13 pm
A relevant observation that Mr. Brooks does not make in his critique of Huntington's analysis is that the relative lack of nationalism in the Islamic world is, at least in part, a consequence of the fact that the political map of that part of the world is largely a legacy of European colonialism.
 Recommend  Recommended by 46 Readers
HIGHLIGHT (what's this?)
Baytown TX
March 4th, 2011
7:06 pm
Analogy:
Guttenberg: Christian Reformation
Internet: Muslim Reformation
 Recommend  Recommended by 19 Readers
HIGHLIGHT (what's this?)
Berlin - Chicago
March 4th, 2011
7:09 pm
I find it interesting that people are so obsessed with discussing whether or not these countries will end up democratic or not, as if it is our concern anyway. Unless we work harder to achieve true democracy in our country, we have no business pushing our brand of "democracy" on others, or even wishing it upon them. I'm sorry to point out, but a country run by the rich, and for the rich is not a democracy. It is self-determined, but self-determination isn't the only prerequisite for a democracy. Until we figure this stuff out, how about we let them build what they want?
 Recommend  Recommended by 32 Readers

Comments are no longer being accepted. Please submit a letter to the editor for print consideration.