Thursday, September 26, 2013

Subramanian Swamy : BJP desperately needs a major communal riot or a terrorist outrage or a Pakistani Army action --- to make a wave

BJP desperately needs a major communal riot or a terrorist outrage or a Pakistani Army action --- come election time, to make a wave for it to consolidate its Hindu vote bank from 27% to over 40% --- so says BJP’s latest mastermind, Subramanian Swamy in an interview with Bloomberg TV.

Excerpts:

Live Mint – Bloomberg TV - (September 26, 2013)

Subramanian Swamy /BJP:

“ ….BJP should strive for an absolute majority on its own. It can be done by a clean sweep of the Northern states … there is an issue in this country which is troubling lot of people … that the Hindus are being put up  on. There is a lot of consolidation going on. Already BJP has got 27%. If this consolidation comes, some event happens, something which Pakistan does or some terrorist activity, suddenly you will find that there will be groundswell and the BJP could easily get majority.”

Needless to add, like Muzaffarnagar, there can be a made-to-order terrorist attack to create that groundswell. Or even Pakistan could oblige with a wink from their foreign collaborator. People now should know that the blood, be that Muslim or Hindu, will be on the hands and face of the winner that is so desperate to grab the national kitty.

Ghulam Muhammed, Mumbai
<ghulammuhammed3@gmail.com>

Wednesday, September 25, 2013

Hyderabad 1948: India's hidden massacre - Mike Thomson - BBC

 
This BBC report does not give any hint of the British colonialists' and their officials' role in the entire sordid affair. Objectivity demands BBC should be brave enough to record the negative role British played in the partition of the country and the subterfuge and conspiracies, that they continue to plant even today.
Ghulam Muhammed, Mumbai
<ghulammuhammed3@gmail.com>

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http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/magazine-24159594

BBC

24 September 2013 Last updated at 00:09 GMT

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Hyderabad 1948: India's hidden massacre

By Mike Thomson Presenter, Document, Radio 4



The  Jewel of The Nizams 'Falaknuma Palace' which was the former residence of Nizam Mehaboob Ali Khan in the old city area of Hyderabad

When India was partitioned in 1947, about 500,000 people died in communal rioting, mainly along the borders with Pakistan. But a year later another massacre occurred in central India, which until now has remained clouded in secrecy.

In September and October 1948, soon after independence from the British Empire, tens of thousands of people were brutally slaughtered in central India.

Some were lined up and shot by Indian Army soldiers. Yet a government-commissioned report into what happened was never published and few in India know about the massacre. Critics have accused successive Indian governments of continuing a cover-up.

The massacres took place a year after the violence of partition in what was then Hyderabad state, in the heart of India. It was one of 500 princely states that had enjoyed autonomy under British colonial rule.

When independence came in 1947 nearly all of these states agreed to become part of India.

Old map of India

But Hyderabad's Muslim Nizam, or prince, insisted on remaining independent. This refusal to surrender sovereignty to the new democratic India outraged the country's leaders in New Delhi.

After an acrimonious stand-off between Delhi and Hyderabad, the government finally lost patience.
 
Continue reading the main story

Find out more

The Charminar in central Hyderabad
  • Listen to Mike Thomson's report on Document, The Hyderabad Massacre, on BBC Radio 4 at 16:00 BST on Tuesday 24 September or catch it later on the BBC iPlayer.
Historians say their desire to prevent an independent Muslim-led state taking root in the heart of predominantly Hindu India was another worry.

Members of the powerful Razakar militia, the armed wing of Hyderabad's most powerful Muslim political party, were terrorising many Hindu villagers.

This gave the Prime Minister, Jawaharlal Nehru, the pretext he needed. In September 1948 the Indian Army invaded Hyderabad.

In what was rather misleadingly known as a "police action", the Nizam's forces were defeated after just a few days without any significant loss of civilian lives. But word then reached Delhi that arson, looting and the mass murder and rape of Muslims had followed the invasion.

Determined to get to the bottom of what was happening, an alarmed Nehru commissioned a small mixed-faith team to go to Hyderabad to investigate.

It was led by a Hindu congressman, Pandit Sunderlal. But the resulting report that bore his name was never published.

Historian Sunil Purushotham from the University of Cambridge has now obtained a copy of the report as part of his research in this field.
A copy of the Sunderlal report
 
Pandit Sunderlal's team concluded that between 27,000 and 40,000 died
The Sunderlal team visited dozens of villages throughout the state.
Continue reading the main story

“Start Quote

At a number of places members of the armed forces brought out Muslim adult males... and massacred them”
Sunderlal report

At each one they carefully chronicled the accounts of Muslims who had survived the appalling violence: "We had absolutely unimpeachable evidence to the effect that there were instances in which men belonging to the Indian Army and also to the local police took part in looting and even other crimes.

"During our tour we gathered, at not a few places, that soldiers encouraged, persuaded and in a few cases even compelled the Hindu mob to loot Muslim shops and houses."

The team reported that while Muslim villagers were disarmed by the Indian Army, Hindus were often left with their weapons. The mob violence that ensued was often led by Hindu paramilitary groups.

In other cases, it said, Indian soldiers themselves took an active hand in the butchery: "At a number of places members of the armed forces brought out Muslim adult males from villages and towns and massacred them in cold blood."

The investigation team also reported, however, that in many other instances the Indian Army had behaved well and protected Muslims.

The Nizam Mahbub Ali Khan and Party Posed with Tiger Skins at Shikar Camp, April–May 1899
 
The Nizam of Hyderabad was a powerful prince. In this picture taken in 1899, the Nizam, Mahbub Ali Khan, and his party pose with tiger skins

The backlash was said to have been in response to many years of intimidation and violence against Hindus by the Razakars.

In confidential notes attached to the Sunderlal report, its authors detailed the gruesome nature of the Hindu revenge: "In many places we were shown wells still full of corpses that were rotting. In one such we counted 11 bodies, which included that of a woman with a small child sticking to her breast. "

And it went on: "We saw remnants of corpses lying in ditches. At several places the bodies had been burnt and we would see the charred bones and skulls still lying there."
The Sunderlal report estimated that between 27,000 to 40,000 people lost their lives.

Indian Shiite Muslims take part in religious prayers at 'Ashoorkhana' in the Aza Khana Zehara in Hyderabad, on January 5, 2009. The structure, built by the seventh Nizam Mir Osman Ali Kahan to perpetuate the memory of his mother Amtul Zehra Begum
 
A Shiite shrine built by the seventh Nizam to perpetuate his mother's memory

No official explanation was given for Nehru's decision not to publish the contents of the Sunderlal report, though it is likely that, in the powder-keg years that followed independence, news of what happened might have sparked more Muslim reprisals against Hindus.

It is also unclear why, all these decades later, there is still no reference to what happened in the nation's schoolbooks. Even today few Indians have any idea what happened.

The Sunderlal report, although unknown to many, is now open for viewing at the Nehru Memorial Museum and Library in New Delhi.

There has been a call recently in the Indian press for it to be made more widely available, so the entire nation can learn what happened.

It could be argued this might risk igniting continuing tensions between Muslims and Hindus.

"Living as we are in this country with all our conflicts and problems, I wouldn't make a big fuss over it," says Burgula Narasingh Rao, a Hindu who lived through those times in Hyderabad and is now in his 80s.

"What happens, reaction and counter-reaction and various things will go on and on, but at the academic level, at the research level, at your broadcasting level, let these things come out. I have no problem with that."


Tuesday, September 24, 2013

Muslim body slaps Rs. 10-cr defamation suit on city police - By Mustafa Shaikh, Mumbai Mirror, a Times of India publication

Jamat-e Islami Hind has taken a very correct, though long delayed action against rogue elements in Police and Media, who have played havoc with the lives and reputation of 200 million Indian Muslims, and had long had a field day without any accountability for their acts of commission and omission. Jamat action is very proper and legal and would get the judiciary on their side, as and when their stand is vindicated. Jamate Islami has shown a right direction to all other Muslim and Human Rights organizations to approach courts to get their grievances addressed, as both executive and legislation are patently against them and their rightful causes.
Ghulam Muhammed, Mumbai
<ghulammuhammed3@gmail.com>

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http://www.mumbaimirror.com/mumbai/others/Muslim-body-slaps-Rs-10-cr-defamation-suit-on-city-police/articleshow/23010700.cms



Muslim body slaps Rs. 10-cr defamation suit on city police

By Mustafa shaikh, Mumbai Mirror | Sep 25, 2013, 12.11 AM IST
Muslim body slaps Rs. 10-cr defamation suit on city police
JIH members addressing the media on their case against Mumbai police for the ‘female jihadis’ memo
The Jamat-e-Islami Hind, a well-known organisation that runs more than 500 educational institutions across the country, has filed a defamation suit against the Mumbai police for allegedly linking one of its branches with terror-related activities.

The Muslim body has demanded Rs 10 crore as compensation from the city police for issuing a departmental communication stating that members of its women's wing, Girls Islamic Organisation (GIO), "were indoctrinating college girls and imparting training in jihad".

The internal circular had been leaked to the media in March.

Taufique Aslam Khan, president of JIH's Maharashtra wing, said they waited for nearly five months before taking any step as the cops had assured them that an inquiry would be launched and strict action would be taken against the person behind the leak.

"Despite assurance, we did not receive any reply from the Mumbai police. We sent them a legal notice in July. When that too did not result in any response, we decided to move the Bombay High Court," said Khan.

GIO members say theirs is one of India's largest Islamic organisations and runs 40 high schools and three junior colleges in Maharashtra. They allege the Mumbai police memo has severely dented their reputation. "Girls have stopped participating in our programmes," said Mohammad Aslam Ghazi, spokesperson of JIH's state wing.

The circular, issued by the Special Branch of Mumbai police in the third week of March, read: "The group GIO is an offshoot of the 65-year-old Jamat-e-Islami Organisation and is currently active in Kerala. The purported aim of this organisation is to make more and more Muslim women aware of their religion and the holy Quran. But the real objective of this organisation is to brainwash college and school girls and train them for jihad."

Ghazi said a delegation from GIO had met the cops in April. While they accepted that there was nothing incriminatory against Jamat's women's wing, they said they had acted based on some intelligence inputs, he said.

"Therefore, it is necessary for Mumbai police to compensate for the damages done to our peaceful organisation. The cops should have tried to keep a track on the activities of the organisation before attaching a terror tag to it," added Ghazi.

Mumbai police spokesman Satyanarayan Choudhary said, "The circular was meant to be only for the department and not for the public. As regards any inquiry into the incident, I do not have any information on it at the moment."

JIH official said they are also seeking legal opinions to take action against newspapers* that had reproduced the circular.

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* Times of India in its today's Mumbai print edition has mentioned that it did publish the police circular. TOI probably did not bother to get any comment from GIO or Jamate Islami

Friday, September 20, 2013

A Good Cop/Bad Cop comedy of Modi/Amit Shah that tries to duplicate the old Vajpayee/Advani tragedy

My comments posted on Hindustan Times webpage on Rajdeep Sardesai's article on Advani:

Friday, September 20, 2013
A Good Cop/Bad Cop comedy of Modi/Amit Shah that tries to duplicate the old Vajpayee/Advani tragedy
Barkha Dutt during one of her TV panel discussions aptly described the Modi/Amit Shah combo as a Good-Cop/Bad-Cop jugalbandi.  While Modi is posing as a national leader speaking of development, Amit Shah is concentrating on organizing communal riots and communal issues to revive sagging Hindutva interest in Mandir issues. Both are true replica of the same dual role that had characterized Vajpayee/Advani act. Vajpayee was in the meeting with BJP leaders in Lucknow, on the day prior to December 6, when Advani went to Ayodhya and Vajpayee flew west to New Delhi. Their roles in the Babri Masjid demolition drama was markedly divided and delineated to address to different constituencies even in Sangh Parivar. Nobody will be fooled by Modi/Amit Shah jugalbandi --- as both by their very persona are more Advani than Vajpayee. For Vajpayee at least Good-Cop role fitted like a glove. Modi cannot match Vajpayee role in this new jugalbandi. Modi does not have Vajpayee's dignified demeanor; nor can his past role in Gujarat genocidal riots be ever separated from his 'achievements' in the cause of strident polarizing Hindutva.
For all practical purposes Advani is sidelined in the new line-up, till he may be needed in emergencies in future.
Ghulam Muhammed, Mumbai
<ghulammuhammed3@gmail.com>

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Too soon to say goodbye

Rajdeep Sardesai   September 19, 2013
The three most influential politicians of the 1990s were Narasimha Rao, Vishwanath Pratap Singh and LK Advani. At a time when the last of the triumvirate prepares to fade into the political sunset, this may be a good moment to pause, rewind and look back at the life and times and legacy of these men who redefined politics at the turn of the century.

It would be fair to suggest that all three played their part in shaping the destiny of contemporary politics more by circumstance than conviction. If Rajiv Gandhi had not been assassinated in May 1991, one can safely assume Rao would have retired to Hyderabad as a footnote in the Congress, blotted by the memory of being the eternal procrastinator as home minister during the 1984 anti-Sikh riots.

VP Singh too, was just another remote-controlled Congress chief minister in the Indira-Sanjay years, till Bofors happened and transformed his persona into a tough anti-corruption crusader. And LK Advani too, was the quintessential party organisation man and would have remained so if the gates of the Babri Masjid had not been opened by the Rajiv government.

The three competing ideologies which they came to represent — market, Mandal and Mandir — were again accidentally constructed because of forces beyond them. The balance of payments crisis of 1991 left Rao with no choice but to open up the Indian economy. If VP Singh had not felt the pressure of being toppled from within the Janata Dal, he might not have pushed ahead with the implementation of the Mandal commission report.

And if the Rajiv government again had allowed a poor Muslim widow, Shahbano, her right to maintenance, it is likely that Mr Advani’s ‘minority appeasement’ politics that culminated in a rath yatra as a symbol of ‘Hindu resurgence’ might have never resonated.

The similarities don’t end there. None of the three were natural mass leaders. Rao had a very brief tenure as Andhra Pradesh chief minister and had to seek refuge in Maharashtra for a Lok Sabha ticket. VP Singh too, had limited influence in his home state of Uttar Pradesh and owed his rise to the benevolence of the Gandhi family. Advani too, has never had a ‘home’ base as such, having been elected from constituencies as varied as New Delhi and Gandhinagar. In a sense, their becoming ‘mascots’ of big ideas gave them a political relevance that their rather dour, uncharismatic personalities would never have otherwise allowed.

A sharp contrast can be drawn for example between an Advani and an AB Vajpayee. The latter was a ‘natural’ politician, a wonderful orator, skilled parliamentarian, and statesman-like leader. He had the ‘common touch’. By contrast, Advani was the strategist and ideologue, uncomfortable in public gatherings but adept at strengthening the party’s organisational base. Vajpayee may get the plaudits as a three-time prime minister, but let’s be clear: without Advani’s perseverance there would have been no alternate pole created to end Congress hegemony. If Vajpayee was a flamboyant Tendulkar-like batsman, Advani was the Dravid-like Wall of the BJP.

With their limited mass appeal, it is also no surprise that the Rao-VP-Advani troika were eventually devoured, or overtaken by their own revolutions. Having unleashed market-friendly economics, Rao was in no position to handle a family-led party that instinctively looked at a non Nehru-Gandhi leader as an outsider. It is typical of the Congress culture that the party chose to credit a bureaucrat like Manmohan Singh for the end of the licence-permit raj rather than a hardened politician like Rao. Singh was ready to be his master’s voice in sharp contrast to a Rao who was emerging as a threat to the dynasty.

VP Singh too, as an upper caste Thakur, could never compete with the rising OBC political juggernaut unleashed by the Mandalisation of north India. Once the Lalus and Mulayams had tasted power in the early 1990s, they were not going to share the power and the glory with anyone else. They had the political chutzpah and the confidence to build their own personality cults. VP, like Rao, passed away a sad, forlorn figure, aware that he was on the wrong side of a history that he had helped create.

And so to Advani, the man who has outlived his contemporaries. Through the 1980s and 1990s, Advani mentored a generation of young BJP leaders, including a certain Narendra Modi, who even was his charioteer during his Ayodhya rath yatra. Cut in the Hindutva cloth, some of these leaders showed the aptitude and the appetite to sharpen the ideological base which Advani had nurtured by adding the mantra of good governance.
None did it better than the Gujarat chief minister. Hindu nationalism plus ‘suraj’ (good governance): why would a younger, more restive BJP rank and file not back a new poster boy and discard the old warhorse? A demographic shift necessitated a political coup.
Ironically, it was to protect the original Hindutva constituency that Advani had chosen to insist on Modi continuing in Gandhinagar in the aftermath of the 2002 riots. Removing Modi at the time, felt the BJP’s ideologue, would send the wrong message to the party’s cadres. Among the many ‘what ifs’ in Indian political history we can add one more: what if during the BJP’s national executive in Panaji in 2002, the BJP had chosen to follow Vajpayee’s ‘rajdharma’ and change the Gujarat chief minister instead of following the Advani line? In his more reflective moments, the eternal political yatri must surely ask himself that question.

Post-script: Most pundits have been writing political obituaries of Advani. The fact is, similar epitaphs were written of Vajpayee in the early 90s after the rise of Advani. And yet, in 1996, coalition compulsions made the ‘inclusive’ Vajpayee the BJP’s prime ministerial choice. What if the NDA doesn’t get the 272-plus, a Modi candidacy promises? Will there be another final twist in the Advani saga?
Rajdeep Sardesai is editor-in-chief, IBN 18 network

Wednesday, September 18, 2013

CRIMINAL CHARGES AGAINST MODI (SUMMARY) - Filed by Citizens for Justice and Peace, Mumbai

DOCUMENTATION:





Extract from written legal submissions submitted to 11th Metro Court Judge BJ Ganatra on dt.18.9.2013

CRIMINAL CHARGES AGAINST MODI (SUMMARY)

Introduction:-

The Zakia Jafri (supported by Citizens for Justice & Peace) Criminal Complaint against Narendra Modi and 59 Others was ordered to be investigated by the Supreme Court. Zakia Jafri & CJP have been attempting to get serious criminal charges registered and investigated since 8.6.2006.  The Special Investigation team (SIT) originally asked to further investigate None Major Trials was assigned the task (27.4.2009). An Amicus Curiae was also appointed to assist the Court. The SIT in its reports from 2010 arrived at the conclusion that while several of the allegations were found to be correct , there was not sufficient material to prosecute the accused.

In stark contrast, the Amicus Curiae senior advocate Raju Ramachandran looking at the same evidence collected by the SIT, came to a contrary conclusion, stating clearly that there was evidence enough to prosecute Narendra Modi. Faced with this dilemma of two contrary assessments, the Supreme Court remanded the matter to a lower Court directing SIT to file its Final Report there. The SC specifically directed that if the SIT filed a closure report, the Complainants were fully within their legal rights to file a Protest petition and access all Investigation papers/documents. (This is a right under Indian law but was specifically outlined by the Supreme Court in its final judgement dated 12.9.2011).
Predictably, the SIT filed a closure report on 8.2.2012 and remained adamant against making Investigation papers available to the Complainants in contempt o the Supreme Court order. The Magistrate granted the Complainant her right to the Investigation Papers on 10.4.2012 but it took Zakia Jafri & CJP another year to access all the Investigation reports of the SIT submitted to the Supreme Court. The SC directed this on 7.2.2013 after which the Protest Petition was filed on 15.4.2013. From June 24-August 29, 2013 rigorous arguments in support of the Zakia Jafri Protest Petition were made before Judge Ganatra, 11th Metropolitan Magistrate, Ahmedabad. The final day of arguments on behalf of the Complainant will be on 18.9.2013. Thereafter the Judgement of the Magistrate will be awaited.
Narendra Modi faces Fifteen Serious Charges of :-
Ø  1.   Willfully Ignoring Messages from State Intelligence about the Violent Repercussions of the RSS-VHP called ‘Mahayajna’ before the tragic Godhra incident on 27.2.2002 and deliberately not initiating precautionary measures that are imperative under Standard Operational Procedure; messages from 7.2.2002 to 25.2.2002, including specific ones that stated that batches of 2,800 and 1,900 kar sevaks had left for Faizabad-Ayodhya and had been behaving provocatively and aggressively against minorities on the way. As cabinet minister for home and chief minister, he is directly responsible MOS Home Gordhan Zadaphiya is a constant Co-Conspirator.
  
Ø  2.   Deliberately concealing knowledge of the provocative, anti-Muslim sloganeering by kar sevaks at the Godhra station when the Sabarmati Express reached five hours late on 27.2.2002, which information had been sent to him directly by DM/Collector Jayanti Ravi and willfully failing to take stern action and allowing violent incidents to escalate after the train left Godhra by about 1.15 p.m. especially at Vadodara station where a Muslim was attacked and killed and at Anand where the train stopped hereafter ensuring that the state allowed a hate-filled and threatening atmosphere against Muslims build right up to Ahmedabad where the train finally reached around 4 p.m. and where bloodthirsty slogans were being shouted. FIRs in 19 brutal incidents against Muslims are recorded on 27.2.2002 in Ahmedabad itself. Curfew was not imposed despite these incidents resulting in deaths breaking out.

Ø  3.   Conspiring with the Vishwa Hindu Parishad to plot and allow reprisal killings all over Gujarat. The first phone call that Modi makes after DM Ravi’s fax reaches him is, not to appeal for peace and calm, but phone secretary VHP, Gujarat, Dr Jaideep Patel and direct him to Godhra. The Conspiracy between Modi and the VHP is hatched and unfurled to cynically ensure state-wide reprisal killings. Phone call records show these phone calls between PA to Modi AP Patel and Jaideep Patel immediately after the chief minister receives news of the Godhra tragedy. Phone call records made available by Rahul Sharma (IPS, Gujarat) also show that Powerful Accused were in touch with the chief minister’s office (CMO) and the landline numbers of the chief minister.

Ø  4.   Brazenly supporting the Bandh call called by the VHP and allowing the streets and public spaces of Gujarat to be used for mass attacks and violence. By 12 noon on 27.2.2002, state intelligence and the police were aware of the Bandh call ; the bandh was uses by the police machinery to clear the streets of ordinary citizens so that aggressive mobs could target minority populations and their establishments.

Ø  5.   Cynically, and illegally allowed Post Mortems Illegally out in the Open at the Railway Yard, Godhra where the burnt and mutilated corpses were laid in full view of an aggressive and irate crowd of RSS and VHP men and women, who were gathered there in violation of Curfew Orders @ Godhra. Deliberately allowing photographs of the burnt corpses to be taken and widely circulated by the RSS-VHP and media in general, despite it being prevented under law;

Ø  6.   Personally instigating individual RSS-VHP men and women at the railway yard at Godhra assuring them that enough time will be allowed by the Modi-led government and administration to extract a revenge for Godhra.

Ø  7.   Directing that the unidentified bodies of Godhra train victims should be handed over to Jaideep Patel, a non-governmental person, that too belonging to a supremacist and communal VHP to be brought to Ahmedabad where aggressive funeral processions in full public view were allowed. Modi directed this at a meeting at the Collectorate in the evening of 27.2.2002 before he returned to Gandhinagar. Jaideep Patel was allowed to be present at an official meeting at the Collectorate. Jaideep Patel is a co-conspirator and also facing trial for mass crimes in the ongoing Naroda Gaam case. Modi is specifically guilty of allowing the escalation of violence from Godhra to other parts of Gujarat and taking decisions contrary to law.

Ø  8.   Specifically instructing his top policemen and administrators not to act evenhandedly in the days to follow and “allow Hindus to vent their anger.” Two senior bureaucrats present at the meeting have stated that cabinet ministers were present at a meeting that went on well past midnight. Haren Pandya, a minister in Modi’s cabinet in 2002 had given evidence of this to the Concerned Citizen’s Tribunal headed by Justice Krishna Iyer and PB Sawant in 2002 itself. Later in 2009 a serving officer from the state intelligence, Sanjiv Bhatt also gave the same evidence before the SIT and the Supreme Court.

Ø  9.   Preventing the Imposition of Curfew. Curfew was deliberately not imposed at Ahmedabad while over 3,000 RSS workers were allowed to gather at the Sola Civil Hospital where Jaideep Patel arrived with the bodies of the Godhra victims at about 4 a.m. The crowd was aggressive and violent as proved from the police control room records. No steps were taken to disperse the crowd that attacked the hospital staff and doctors, a High Court judge, Violent funeral processions were allowed to wind through the streets of Ahmedabad for several hours at two locations; worst Acharya Giriraj Kishore was given police escort to come and further provoke the aggressive mob; the cremations took place only in the evening and attacks on Naroda Patiya, Naroda Gaam and Gulberg Society where over 200 persons were massacred (and rapes allowed) in broad daylight on the same day, 28.2.2002, while violent and aggressive funeral processions were willfully allowed by Modi and the police and administration.

Ø  10.   Making a pretence of verbally calling in the Army on the late evening of 28.2.2002 but not actually allowing its deployment in Ahmedabad, Godhra and Bhavnagar and Varodara until 2.3.2002 and 3.3.2002. Worse badly affected districts like Mehsana, Panchmahals, Dahod, Anand, Kheda were not given ant Army or Paramilitary at all.

Ø  11.   Fourteen out of Gujarat’s 25 districts were allowed to burn as Ministers were specifically deployed by Modi to interfere with Police functioning and sit in the State Control Room and Ahmedabad City Control Room; in Eleven Districts where Violence was controlled, the Police Officers in Charge were given Punitive Transfers to send a Political Message. Modi heads the Home department that bends the Police Bureaucracy and Police to his Will.

Ø  12.   Modi allowed violence to continue unabated until early May 2002 when KPS Gill was sent by PM Vajpayee to the state; the National Human Rights Commission (NHRC), April and July 2002 and Central Election Commission (CEC) were misled about the spread and intensity of violence. This was willful subversion of the justice system.

Ø  13.   Partisan prosecutors belonging to the RSS-VHP were appointed to ensure that cases were killed in their infancy; bail was easily granted to powerful accused until the Supreme Court stepped in, in 2003 and 2004. Two trials, the Best Bakery trial and the Bilkees Bano cases were transferred out of the state.

Ø  14.   Hate Speech was indulged in by Modi himself, on 27.2.2002 and right until the infamous Becharaji speech made top set off his election campaign on 9.9.2002 and also cynically permitted by the Home Department under him to spread poison and incite violence against Muslims and Christians. The State Intelligence under ADGP-Int RB Sreekumar had specifically recommended prosecution of the VHP for a series of incendiary pamphlets but this was ignored. SP Bhavnagar, Rahul Sharma too had recommended the prosecution of Sandesh, the Gujarati mainstream newspaper for publishing false and provocative photographs and reports. Both the NHRC and Editor’s Guild had also strongly recommended prosecution of those guilty of hate speech. Modi had, instead sent congratulatory letters to those newspapers who had spread lies and venom. RB Sreekumar, Rahul Sharma and Sanjiv Bhatt are among the officers persecuted by the Gujarat government under Modi (home minister).

Ø  15.   Modi is guilty of ordering the Destruction of Crucial documents including Wireless Intercepted Messages, Vehicle logs, Police Control Room records and others on 30.3.2008, four days after the Supreme Court appoints the Special Investigation Team (SIT) on 26.3.2008. He has headed the Home ministry portfolio since that date.


_________________________________________________________________________
Nirant, Juhu Tara Road, Juhu, Mumbai – 400 049. Ph: 2660 2288 email: cjpindia@gmail.com,  teesteesta@gmail.com

Sunday, September 15, 2013

Divide and campaign By Mihir S Sharma - Business Standard

http://www.business-standard.com/article/opinion/mihir-s-sharma-divide-and-campaign-113091301161_1.html

Logo

Mihir S Sharma: Divide and campaign

More than any other party, the BJP can figure out exactly what is likely to infuriate and mobilise their core voter


Mihir S Sharma











Related News
At some point, you have to just lose yourself in admiration for the strategists of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). More than any other party, and definitely far more easily than the aristocratic, out-of-touch planners for the Congress, they can figure out exactly what is likely to infuriate and mobilise their core voter.


Take, for example, the wonderful words "love jihad". This is the idea, first developed in the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh's southern "laboratory" of Mangalore, that young Muslim men gather in packs, wear colourful shirts and pass around the hair gel, and then dash off on snazzy motorbikes, humming Salman Khan songs, to woo young Hindu or Christian women in order to convert them to Islam. Karnataka's BJP government informed people that "this appears to be a serious issue" - unlike, say, illegal mining - and put a special detachment of the Crime Investigation Department on the case.

Now, of all the forms of jihad the Right would like us to worry about, this might seem the most harmless. Unless, of course, you believe the Honour of a Community is Borne By its Girls and stuff like that. Which, it turns out, the Sangh Parivar imagines large numbers of prospective voters do, and so it has happily tried to replicate its southern experiment elsewhere. More than one person has told me that local ABVP and BJP activists in Delhi monitor the notices of upcoming inter-religious marriages that are required to be accessible under the Special Marriage Act; if the girl's name sounds Hindu to them, they go and complain to, or otherwise harass, her family.

It turns out, to the surprise of absolutely nobody, Jat-dominated Western Uttar Pradesh is the most fertile ground for this. According to the Vishwa Hindu Parishad's (VHP's) Ashok Singhal, the khap mahapanchayat that was held in Muzaffarnagar on September 7, after which almost 40 people have been killed in religious violence, was a "Bahu beti bachao mahapanchayat" - a grand assembly to save the girls of the house. (Though many would say, if the girls of the house need saving, it's from the khap.)

One of those who addressed the mahapanchayat was BJP MLA Sangeet Som - the youngest man in the Uttar Pradesh Assembly. The Uttar Pradesh police claim that Som is one of those who uploaded a video that went viral that supposedly showed Muslims murdering Hindus in Muzaffarnagar. Actually, the video was from somewhere in AfPak, with Muslims murdering other Muslims. Two things are worth noting immediately: first, it is impossible to underestimate the intelligence of the average Indian internet user; and, second, can we stop wailing that our politicians are too old? Judging by Som, having younger politicians would not help at all.

And what followed the mahapanchayat, a similar meeting after Friday prayers, and various mislabelled viral videos and altered photos of newspaper headlines? The VHP's Singhal told The Hindu: "What has happened after that is the reaction on the lines of post-Godhra in Gujarat. Hindus did not sit back."

Singhal's invocation of the most glorious moment in the recent history of Hindu nationalism is, perhaps, not a coincidence. Youth Icon Sangeet Som paused in his headlong flight from arrest to call Hindustan Times and tell them that he would arrange for a Narendra Modi rally in Muzaffarnagar at the earliest opportunity. Nothing can calm the flames of religious violence like Narendra Modi speech, and a few well-chosen dead puppy metaphors. Other politicians hand out free food at rallies; Narendra Modi charges Rs 5, but hands Muslims "back presents" of burqas and skullcaps, and suggests they put them on.

A Delhi-bound Modi hasn't talked about Muzaffarnagar yet - which is amazing in a way, since he is willing to talk about all sorts of things he doesn't quite understand, like the rupee or relations with Bangladesh. Perhaps he's just preoccupied with his coronation. But while I wouldn't for a moment want to underplay the culpability of the Samajwadi Party, whose rule of Uttar Pradesh has always been notable for its tolerance of thuggishness and violence, it is difficult not to note that, coincident with Modi's rise in the BJP, there's been a startling outbreak of religious violence across north India, from Jammu to Uttar Pradesh to Bihar.

As I said, the BJP's planners are brilliant, brilliant men. Without a sharply increased number of seats in UP, and a good performance in Bihar independent of former partner, the Janata Dal (United), Modi doesn't stand much of a chance in 2014. And they know just how to make that happen. If, in the process, the Congress' ally and Jat leader Ajit Singh finds himself in a tough position, so much the better.

After all, what's the downside of religious polarisation for a Modi-led BJP? As the minuscule fallout of the letter written by Gujarat's former head policeman and current prisoner D G Vanzara shows, Modi's mantle of blood and smoke doesn't bother those who've made up their mind to vote for him. More darkly amusing, however, are the excuses made by those who feel slightly guilty about Modi-sympathy. Such as the claim that poor Modi is basically just a misunderstood development visionary. Or that the Congress did 1984, so what's the fuss? (Sorry, but I'll only think that's relevant when I see a spate of attacks on Sikhs by Congressmen across north India in 2013.)

Given cover by these excuses from those who know better, the smart men of the BJP will proceed with their master plan. And after the BJP comes to power, I'm sure the economy will revive instantly - because who doesn't want to invest in a country throbbing with the potential for internecine violence? Blood is good for business.

<mihir.sharma@bsmail.in>
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Saturday, September 14, 2013

The Mystery of Kawwal: Were Muzaffarnagar riots based on distortion of facts? - NDTV

http://www.ndtv.com/article/india/the-mystery-of-kawwal-were-muzaffarnagar-riots-based-on-distortion-of-facts-418666?pfrom=home-topstories

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The Mystery of Kawwal: Were Muzaffarnagar riots based on distortion of facts?

Written by Sreenivasan Jain (with inputs from Niha Masih and Tanima Biswas) | Updated: September 14, 2013 18:00 IST

In the popular narrative, the genesis of Muzaffarnagar riots sets it up in this way: on August 27, two Jat boys, Sachin and his cousin Gaurav, from Malikpura village killed Shahnawaz, a Muslim from the nearby village of Kawwal because was harassing their sister.

In retaliation, a Muslim mob killed the boys. The administration acted in a partisan manner, which set off a chain of violence and retaliation.

The deaths of all three are a verified fact, as are some serious doubts over the police response.

But the reasons ascribed to justify the killing of Shahnawaz (and by default the riots that followed) -- the supposed protection of the honour of Jat women -- are not borne out by the facts. (Muzaffarnagar clashes: Latest developments)

Sachin's sister Ritu says she has never been to Kawwal nor does she know Shahnawaz. She spoke of harassment by the Muslim youth of Kawwal in a general sense; "we do not like going there on our own," she said.

Shahnawaz's father, Salim says Gaurav and Shahnawaz clashed when their motorcycles collided in the village lanes.

In the police records at Jamsath thana, under which Kawwal and Malikpura fall, there is no mention of the harassment of women.

Two separate FIRs were registered. According to the FIR for Sachin and Gaurav's death, registered by Gaurav's father, Ravinder Kumar, he says his son had a bike accident with someone called Mujassim, which led to the altercation. The other accused, apart from Mujassim, are Mujibulla, Furqan, Jehangir, Afzal, Nadeem and Kalua.

The FIR for Shahnawaz's death names Gaurav, Sachin, Prahlad, Vishan, Tendu, Devendra, Yogender and Jitendra. It says all the accused came to Kawwal, forcibly entered Shahnawaz's house and took him out. They were armed with knives and swords. They injured him and left him half-dead. He died later on the way to the hospital.

The other grievance held by the Jats is that the police did nothing to arrest those that killed Sachin and Gaurav, and instead named their fathers in the FIR. The government only two days ago dropped the names of the fathers from the FIR. As for the arrests, the police say they have only picked up one boy, Furqan, but are still verifying the names of the rest to avoid anyone being falsely implicated.

For that matter, the police have not arrested any of the Jat boys named in the FIR for the killing of Shahnawaz.

So how did a possible clash between a group of hotheads from neighbouring villages turn into an alleged assault on the honour of Hindu women? Especially in the Jat heartland, where community identity takes precedence over religious identity?

BJP MLA Suresh Rana, from Shamli adjacent to Muzaffarnagar, claims the harassment of women is what he had heard when he visited Malikpura.

NDTV had reported earlier that Hindutva groups like the VHP have made what they call 'Love Jihad' (the alleged abduction or harassment of Hindu women by Muslim youth) part of their propaganda. The district president of the VHP told us that the Kawwal incident is very much in keeping with this trend, though he had no empirical evidence to prove it.

A fake YouTube video circulated by BJP MLA from nearby Meerut, Sangeet Som, also played on similar themes. It shows two boys being beaten to death by a mob, indicating that they are Sachin and Gaurav.

The video was, in fact, shot in Sialkot in Pakistan, and is two years old. Som has been booked by the police for inciting hatred amongst communities.

A massive Mahapanchayat called by Jats on September 7 demanding justice for the Kawwal incident was labelled a 'bahu bachao, beti bachao' sammelan (Save our wives and daughters meeting). As the meeting dispersed, violent clashes broke out, a cycle of retaliation which continues to this day.

It is perhaps a sobering thought that the basis of this anger rested on distortion of facts.
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Story first published:
September 14, 2013 16:39 IST
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