Wednesday, November 7, 2012

RE: Naipaul v/s Girish Karnad - 'Sustaining the myth of hostility' By Mushirul Hasan - THE HINDU, English Daily, Chennai, India.

 
Share  ·   Comment (14)   ·   print   ·   T+  


To Naipaul, Hindu militancy is a corrective to the past. He therefore rejects the possibility of Islam reconciling with other religions in the subcontinent

“There was in India now what didn’t exist 200 years before: a central will, a central intellect, a national idea,” wrote Vidiadhar S. Naipaul in 1990 in India: A Million Mutinies Now, his third book on the land of his forefathers. Sir Vidia’s construction of the Indian nation, his views on certain major episodes in contemporary history, his interpretation of Islam, and the role of minorities in secular India have always been controversial. Last week, they came under attack again, this time from Girish Karnad. Since then, some have rushed to Naipaul’s defence, others to Karnad’s. As a historian, I too would like to join the debate.

To remind readers, Naipaul’s ancestors left India in the early 1880s as indentured labourers for the sugar estates of Guyana and Trinidad. He returned to India with An Area of Darkness, advertised as ‘tender, lyrical, (and) explosive.’ Thereafter, he chronicled the histories of a wounded civilisation and a million mutinies in India. 

In between, he aimed salvos at Islam not once but twice, in laboured projects.

‘Indigestibility of Muslims’

Naipaul wholly subscribes to the views of Samuel P. Huntington, a controversial American political scientist who earned his reputation by arguing that the New World Order is based on patterns of conflict and cooperation founded on cultural distinctions and identifications. He talked of “the indigestibility of Muslims” and their propensity towards violent conflict, which makes them threatening.

Naipaul too warns readers of Islamic ‘parasitism,’ and endorses the Orientalist belief that Islam as a coherent, transnational, monolithic force has been engaged in a unilinear confrontational relationship with the West. His essentialist reading of history allows him to sustain the myth of an inherent hostility between two antagonistic sides.

I am not qualified to judge Naipaul’s standing in the literary world, but I have no doubt in my mind that he is ignorant of the nuances of Islam and unacquainted with the languages of the people he speaks to. He records and assesses only what he sees and hears from his interpreters. In the most literal sense, he finds the cultures indecipherable, for he cannot transliterate the Arabic alphabet. He had known Muslims all his life in Trinidad, but knew little of Islam. Its doctrine did not interest him; it didn’t seem worth inquiring into; and over the years, in spite of travel, he has added little to the knowledge gathered in his childhood.

He continues to subscribe to the illogical mistrust of Muslims he had been taught as a child: a particular greybeard Muslim, described in An Area of Darkness, has come to embody ‘every sort of threat.’ Much like Nirad Chaudhuri, who was guilty of disregarding common sense to feed his own petty prejudices towards the Muslim communities, Naipaul’s encounters with them “are suffused with a sense of youthful bigotries.”
 
Among the Believers: An Islamic Journey is permeated with the sentiment that Islam sanctifies rage — rage about faith, political rage, and that Muslim societies are rigid, authoritarian, uncreative, and hostile to the West. In Indonesia, he runs into Imamuddin who confirms him in the stereotype. In Iran, Behzad leaves him convinced that, “now in Islamic countries there would be the Behzads who, in an inversion of Islamic passions, would have a vision of society cleansed and purified, a society of believers.” In Pakistan, he reminds us of the power of religion and the hollowness of secular cults in a fragmented country, economically stagnant, despotically ruled, with its gifted people close to hysteria.

In most of the description, otherwise nicely woven into a coherent story, there is hardly any reference to the debilitating legacy of colonial rule. The civilised, innovative, and technologically advanced West stands out as a vibrant symbol of progress and modernity, whereas the Muslim societies Naipaul encounters, despite their varying experiences and trajectories, are destructive, inert, and resentful of the West. With Naipaul relegating colonialism and imperial subjugation of Muslim societies to the background, the West appears an open, generous and universal civilisation.

In fact, it is the West that is consistently portrayed as exploited by lesser societies resentful of its benign, or at worst natural, creativity: “Indeed,” as scholar Rob Nixon points out, “Naipaul is so decided in his distribution of moral and cultural worth between the cultures of anarchic rage and the ‘universal civilization’ that he ends up demonizing Islam as routinely as the most battle-minded of his Islamic interlocutors demonize the West.”
 
Beyond Belief: Islamic Excursions among the Converted People (1998), chooses Islamic bad faith as its theme, portraying “the same primitive, rudimentary, unsatisfactory and reductive thesis” that the Muslims having been converted from Hinduism, must experience the ignominy of all converted people. In India: A Million Mutinies (1990), the 1857 revolt is regarded as the last flare-up of Muslim energy until the agitation for a separate Muslim homeland. So far so good. But when Naipaul finds the Lucknow bazaars expressing the faith of the book and the mosque, for example Aminabad, a crowded marketplace, serving the faith, it becomes too much to swallow.

On Babri Masjid

Two years after A Million Mutinies, Naipaul defends the destruction of the Babri Masjid by calling it “an act of historical balancing.” “Ayodhya,” he reportedly told a small gathering at the BJP office in 2004, “was a sort of passion … Any passion has to be encouraged. I always support actions coming out of passion as these reflect creativity.” Whose passion? Of those Muslims who, despite the bitterness since December 1992, still weave the garlands used in the temple and produce everything necessary for dressing the icons preparatory to worship?

The fraternity of writers to which Naipaul belongs strongly contests not only his reading of the calamitous effect of Islam, but also his virtual justification of vandalism in the name of Islam. Salman Rushdie and others have written with infinitely greater sympathy and comprehension, and cultivated a distinctly secular point of view which had grown out of a reaction against Partition. Many others write convincingly about Islam as a living and changing reality, what Muslims mean by it is constantly changing because of the particular circumstances of time and place. They study it in its historical reality, without value judgments about what it ought to be.

There is however no place for these sentiments in Naipaul’s jaundiced views. To him, Hindu militancy is a necessary corrective to the past, a creative force. He therefore rejects the possibility of Islam, a religion of fixed laws, working out reconciliation with other religions in the subcontinent. This is, in short, the clash of civilisations theory.

Karnad is right

Girish Karnad is right. Naipaul is as ill-informed about India as Huntington was about the world outside the western hemisphere. One more related point. He talks of a fractured past solely in terms of Muslim invasions and conveniently forgets the grinding down of the Buddhist-Jain culture during the period of Brahmanical revival. He fumes and frets even though a fringe element alone celebrates the vandalism of the early Islamists who were driven more by the desire to establish the might of an evangelical Islam than to deface Hindu places of worship. With anger, remorse, and bitterness becoming a substitute for serious study and analysis, Naipaul’s plan for India’s salvation collapses like a pack of cards.

Hence the devastating enunciation of his Beyond Belief by Edward Said: “Somewhere along the way Naipaul, in my opinion, himself suffered a serious intellectual accident. His obsession with Islam caused him somehow to stop thinking, to become instead a kind of mental suicide compelled to repeat the same formula over and over. This is what I’d call an ‘intellectual catastrophe of the first order’.”

In the recent debate over Karnad’s remarks, several analysts have considered Naipaul’s interpretation of Islam as valid. I take issue with them. I believe writers like him widen the existing chasm between the Muslim communities and the followers of other religions. We need writers, poets and publicists who create mutual understanding and interfaith dialogue rather than create distrust and promote intolerance.

Peter Geyl reminded us that the historian should be interested in his subject for its own sake, he should try to get in touch with things as they were, the people and the vicissitudes of their fortunes should mean something to him in themselves. “Let Colour Fill the Flowers, Let Breeze of Early Spring Blow,” wrote the Urdu poet, Faiz Ahmad Faiz.

If ever Naipaul wants to write a travelogue on Muslim countries, the sense of Islam as something more than words in texts, as something living in individual Muslims, must emerge from his pen.
 
(Mushirul Hasan is a historian and Director General of the National Archives of India.)
----- -----

Comments:

The author pointed a thousand flaws in Naipaul's books. And he also highlighted something like Hindu militancy? Is there anything like that really? For Hindus, organizing together and accumulating power will never be possible because they don't follow a single book. On the other hand, the western civilizations are much more practical and should not even be compared with arabic and third world countries which are still struggling to project mystic ideologies as holy things.
 
from:  sateesh
Posted on: Nov 7, 2012 at 01:46 IST
---
Is Mushirul Hasan claiming that there are no political Islamists in
India or other countries with significant Muslim populations ?

The problem other religions are asking is, where is the moderate
Muslim? When Muslim extremists run riot in the streets, no one from the Muslim community questions them. Contemporary Muslim literature does not dwell in the topic of political Islam, which is a reality.
 

In neighboring Pakistan and Bangladesh, where minorities are
persecuted severely, not just in riots, but throughout to such an
extent, that their populations have dwindled.

Because Muslims are not standing up and questioning, it is left to
others who are outside the Muslim religion to question them.
What worries an average citizen, is that Muslim majority countries and provinces with significant Muslim populations in India, people of other religions are persecuted. But no Muslim questions them.

 
from:  Ganesh
Posted on: Nov 7, 2012 at 03:00 IST
---
 
Mushirul Hasan is right in saying that we need writers who would help build bridges across religious, linguistic and ethinic divides. Whatever the history of each group, we are here now and belong equally to Mother India. India is one of the most diverse societies in the world. We must understand, respect and work with each other if the country is to realize its potential and India is to be an open, prosperous and civilised place for all its citizens.
 
from:  Virendra Gupta
Posted on: Nov 7, 2012 at 03:37 IST
---
 
The writer opines "grinding down of the Buddhist-Jain culture during the period of Brahmanical revival" . What Brahminical revival ? Their population has never been more than 5% to 8% of the sub-continent population.
 

And where was force used to "grind down" Buddhist and Jain schools of thoughts ?
 
from:  Arun Subbu
Posted on: Nov 7, 2012 at 04:44 IST
---
 
“Rimsha Masih, Christian girl, arrested for blasphemy”; “Malala Yousufzai: Pakistani Girl, Nearly Killed by Taliban” for promoting education for girls – these are just two headlines emanating from a self proclaimed Islamic country. The perpetrators insist that they are following their scripture to the letter and spirit, and the religious, government and military leaders – and even the public seem to in agreement, even if reluctantly. The feeble protests to bring the perpetrators to justice seem to be just to mollify the outside world. There is a serious intellectual debate in the Islamic world: if they should resurrect the values of the first millennium or live with the current set. The religious scripture is writ; it is the final and uncompromising arbiter. And it was decidedly written not in this millennium or even the one before it. The scripture propels, and sustains the unflinching enforcers who are sure there is no other way. Naipaul’s work implies this. You be the judge.
 
from:  Anvar Naveed
Posted on: Nov 7, 2012 at 05:21 IST
---
 
Wow! This is such a moving piece. You have dissected the oppressive bigotry of an acclaimed but deeply flawed writer without hostility or rancour. I am not sure as to what can change Mr. Naipaul. Will he go down as another literary accident? Someone flawed walking away with the top accolades which were not so deserved?
 
from:  Anand
Posted on: Nov 7, 2012 at 06:05 IST
---
 
Well written. I do not study religious books. Mine or others. More than intent actions define the world. Actions only creates opinion not intent or content. Activities of various Islamists are against West, so it is a clash of civilizations defined by their actions, whoever may be wrong or whatever their religious book says. One kills people in name of liberty, development and democracy and other killing innocent out of anger, remorse, and bitterness. 

Without changing your actions you cannot claim to be apostle for peace or can claim religion of peace. Thanks
 
from:  H. Prasad
Posted on: Nov 7, 2012 at 08:59 IST
---
 
The hue of the article is dictated by the misunderstanding of the writer that Islam and Muslims are synonyms. Perhaps the book is righteous, but it matters not as long as Muslims parctice it the way they are doing so today. Clearly, his position (added in the end) is a result of the widespread appeasement that muslims enjoy today in India. Because, on one hand he accuses Naipaul of half-baked-knowledge and on the other he makes a stmt about brahmanical tyranny forgetting the public debates (about religion) held during the incident. Will a muslim agree to similar debates on Islam. If stating facts creats "distrust and promote intolerance", then its a pity but nevertheless encouraged. "Understanding and interfaith dialogue" dosent and should not mean hiding hard facts.
 
from:  Vijay
Posted on: Nov 7, 2012 at 10:37 IST
---
 
the views of Naipaul may be largely incorrect with respect to India, but so the defense of Mushirul Hasan. All is not bad with Islamic society, but all is not well also ,outlined by the recent violence in Chennai against the US embassy, the cutting down of the hand of a professor in Kerala some time back , the recent violence in Mumbai and descreation of Amar Jawan ,and last but not least the current state of Pakistan. Both the authors are shooting from their set positions.
 
from:  harish
Posted on: Nov 7, 2012 at 11:04 IST
---
 
Wake up India!
Wake up World!
Life is worth living and we humans(whatsoever be the credo)just cannot afford to waste it hating any particular person or faith or society or nation or whatever it may be.
 

I strongly agree to Mr. Hasan -
"We need writers, poets and publicists who create mutual understanding and interfaith dialogue rather than create distrust and promote intolerance."
 

We, as a human, have got a long way to go ahead!

from:  Avinash Kaur
Posted on: Nov 7, 2012 at 11:34 IST
---

What a weak attempt to tarnish Hindus. The point is different Mr .
Author. Budhism Jainism and Sikhism originated in India as Hinduism.
 

They are different ways how people lived in India. While Islam is a religion [ i specifically say religion while other 3 are not so much
religion, may be sikhism], which came from outside and forced itself on India. It was not like India welcomed Islam as an idea or another way of living. It was forced upon India while Budhism and Jainism was not. And would you care to show us an accommodating/democratic Muslim majority country? 


Yes, Arabs give us money, but not a sense of togetherness.
 

I am not saying there is no fault here. But those are politically
motivated radical fringes.
 

The point Naipaul makes is Islam and Christianity[to an extent] was forced upon India/Subcontinent. Both those were not welcomed by the natives here by getting impressed by them. There is a difference.
 
from:  Ramachandra
Posted on: Nov 7, 2012 at 12:01 IST
---
 
The author makes a reference to 'the grinding down of the Buddhist-Jain culture during the period of Brahmanical revival'. Let me state very clearly here that Buddhist-Jainist philosophies and Brahminical(Vedic)philosophies were all sheer interpretations with arguments for and against each other. We had Buddhist monks spreading Buddhism in Vedic India as a consequence of which many people including kings embraced these philosophies(or religions). After a period of time, we had the three main acharyas in the south viz. Sankara, Ramanuja and Madhva who again propagated the path of Vedic religion. Neither the Buddhist monks nor the Hindu saints called for violence as a means to preach their faith. How come the author even
attempts to make a comparison of this ideological clash with the
invasion of the Sultans and their vandalism of temples! Such a
comparison is indeed shocking.

 
from:  raghavan k
Posted on: Nov 7, 2012 at 16:38 IST
---

While Mr. Hasan is perfectly right in criticizing V S Naipaul and his view of Islam. One cannot forget the fine distinction between the Islam as religion and tenets of Islam as interpreted by extreme
elements. We are having problem with the latter, as we notice that the extremists in Muslim communities all over the world are not ready to accommodate a view that is different from theirs and they (extremists) are often proclaiming that non-Muslims have no right to live in this world. Unfortunately, the saner elements in Muslim communities every where are being weakened day by day, and that is the reason why Naipaul and those with similar views have become more acceptable. It is also my observation that Muslims with a liberal view are losing their hold on community. There are extreme elements in the Hindu community as well but their influence is limited and liberal views of others are generally more acceptable. Better communication between Muslims and non- Muslims is required.

 
from:  Narendra M Apte
Posted on: Nov 7, 2012 at 17:13 IST
---

The writer is suggesting crusades against Buddhism and Jainism in ancient India. This is the first time I am hearing about it. Can someone confirm this? Was there any kind of forceful conversion ? Were Buddhists and Jain shrines destroyed by Hindu kings or mobs? Till now I only know of things like declaring Buddha as ninth Avatar of Vishnu to revive Brahminism among other things. Enlighten me.
 
from:  Suraj Kumar
Posted on: Nov 7, 2012 at 17:37 IST




Monday, November 5, 2012

The Fear of the Fickle Money Traders - By sheikyermami - WINDS OF JIHAD

http://sheikyermami.com/2012/11/04/the-fear-of-the-fickle-money-traders/



The Fear of the Fickle Money Traders

by sheikyermami on November 4, 2012

This election may be more about the surrender of America to Islam than anyone realizes.
“Islam must be fought at every turn.”– Geert Wilders

“We don’t want to have to fight a war with people who would rather die than live…”
“We benefit not from this world, but from the afterlife…”  Pal Arab child

Erik Rush (thanks to Gerald)

The topic? Islam. Contrary to likely presumption, it’s not just the movement of Muslims across Europe from Africa and the Middle East and the mobilization of Islamist factions in these areas – but the vast migration that has begun towards the United States.Fear can freeze a deer in the headlights of a car, cause a grizzly bear to flee at the sound of a loud noise, or cause a consortium of international banking interests to start having heart palpitations. Recent interviews with highly-placed officials in a number of European and South American banking circles indicates a new, almost irrational fear that is beginning to rise among them. It’s not about inflation, depression or recession, but it is so frightening to these individuals that they are being driven to talk about something they typically never talk about.

Whether Obama is in fact a Muslim, an agnostic, or functions as his own deity, he is a Muslim for all operational purposes. This is because he has allowed the infiltration of Islamists across all levels of government in the US. Given his understanding of Islam (he was raised in it), he knew where this would lead, thus we must assume it was his intention. The establishment of even components of Sharia law in America would close the last of the doors to freedom and principled stands based on Biblical truth and values. All would be forced to bend the knee to Islam.


Why, you may ask, would this be of such great concern to the banking communities of the world? Well, despite their varied persuasions and allegiances, they fear the loss of the last great hope for freedom in the world: America. They fear the surrender of America, that bastion of safety and the free market in the world, to Sharia law. They fear that President Barack Obama will be re-elected; presently, there will be nowhere on the planet that the great money launderers and usury artists of the world will be able to ply their dubious trade.

Either a free democratic republican model, or a repressive Marxist or Islamist regime.

These are not the isolated feelings brought on by bespectacled nervous nellies in the accounting departments of international banks. The most powerful executives in the banking world are catching this fear from some of their best customers: Mafia, drug kingpins, illegal traffickers in all sorts of items, money launderers from China, the Middle East and the dictators of nations around the world. They know that this great shrinking globe will ultimately and inevitably gravitate toward the same place America does, either the free democratic republican model, or a repressive Marxist or Islamist regime.

Some of these folks have survived the Marxist hordes and done rather well, but that is not their major concern at present. “We don’t want to have to fight a war with people who would rather die than live,” one banking executive recently divulged. “That becomes a lose-lose proposition for everyone.” In Europe alone, the examples are many of car bombings, suicide bombers, assassins, and regions being taken over by Muslims. These answer to the whim of imams who incite the people to murderous levels of violence. While it is barely known in the American press, entrenched Muslims have established zones in major European cities in which non-Muslims dare not go for fear of being raped, killed, or both. A rumor will upend a city, a wrong word or sentence will have the streets filled with violent attackers bent on avenging some slight against their totalitarian religious system or their sainted child-molesting prophet.

There is no room for “diversity” within this group. There is no flexibility in which a criminal subculture can blossom and grow, as in capitalist and even many Marxist nations. The Islamist paradigm necessitates a complete supplanting of all existing systems. The “new criminals” will use their membership in the death cult as leverage to take over all profitable enterprises, backed by the profits from prostitution, gambling, drugs, alcohol, stock and land value manipulations, con games, and all the old vices that provided the fortunes of the infidels they replace. As we saw in Afghanistan, the “holy” façade used by these bearded thugs is but a sham; entire households of women were routinely raped by the Taliban. A sacrament of some sort, I suppose.

Be afraid; be very afraid

With this turn of events, international bankers see their kingdoms crashing around them. The Sharia bankers and elite members of the new regimes will demand their abeyance to the Muslim way – dhimmitude – or the highway, which is really just a euphemism for death. The bankers of the world see the writing on the wall (mene, mene, tekel, upharsum, anyone?); the fall of America will leave them nowhere safe to go.

And what does that mean for the average American? Be afraid; be very afraid.

If this had been during the days of the great re-organization of the Mafia families that resulted in their dividing up the United States into workable units with rules and regulations that lasted for 50 years, we could use that as an example. But we are now entering into the age that the Founding Fathers foresaw in their wisdom and warned against. The producers are now a smaller group than the non-producers; Obama and his ACORN-like groups have seen to it that the takers will vote their own stomachs. It does not matter to the takers that what they get has to come from somewhere (someone else). In their conditioned ignorance and belligerence, they simply don’t care. As one of Obama’s less articulate followers stated back in 2008, “Obama will take it from his stash.”

It does not much matter if Americans come to widely acknowledge that Obama’s education was partially underwritten by a Saudi billionaire if they do not comprehend the why of it. The Saudis have been subsidizing mosques in the US that instruct in Sharia law for decades, while presenting a capitalist face for American politicians and corporate captains who are clueless as to their objective of establishing a global caliphate.

There are now campaigns going on in Europe to deport Muslims; yes, in Europe, which has always been decades ahead of America in its self-destructive multicultural and socialist pursuits. Now, many there are realizing that it’s a matter of their very survival. Some prominent radical imams have been forced to leave France, and it’s likely that the trend will continue and proliferate. As Muslims engage authorities in anger over this, they will be forced to respond by purging even more Muslims.

China, with all its newfound economic power, has its own difficulties

China, with all its newfound economic power, has its own difficulties. They fear one group of people, and prove it via the almost annual ritual of confrontation with and murder of Islamists in Western China. A few hundred die and things settle down again, but the demographics are setting up an ultimate failure for these regions of what is called the “Hidden Kingdom.” The followers of the crescent moon and black flag will soon overrun their confined areas and move out where the Islamic infection will spread.

The average Muslim woman produces eight children. In China, eight is that perfect, lucky number, but it will also spell the demise of China if Muslims are allowed to have mobility in the country and are continued an exemption from China’s one child policy. To date, there is little mobility in China, but the demand for education is producing something of a diaspora with the rising Muslim population. Under the pretext of education, they are going to school in ever-expanding areas, and with them the growing undercurrent of jihadist sentiment is rising. The Chinese have a different set of survival skills than Westerners; when the Muslim situation reaches critical mass, they will no doubt deal with it in their own inimitable and unique fashion.

When the money men of the world are nervous, and America is selling itself down the river of economic dependency, and a new, malicious threat is being embraced rather than confronted, we all have much to fear. As Geert Wilders warned, “Islam must be fought at every turn.” Far too few Americans yet comprehend that fact. This election may be more about the surrender of America to Islam than anyone realizes.


Sunday, November 4, 2012

Why India is still dragging its feet on Islamic Banking

Why India is still dragging its feet on Islamic Banking


http://www.gulf-times.com/site/topics/article.asp?cu_no=2&item_no=541637&version=1&template_id=48&parent_id=28

Bank forecasts six-fold growth for Islamic banking in Sri Lanka


Bloomberg/Colombo
 
Amana Bank, Sri Lanka’s only full-fledged Islamic lender, plans to double its branches by expanding in rural areas, forecasting a six-fold growth in demand.


The company, which started in August 2011, will add five outlets this year to its existing 14 and nine in 2013, Colombo-based chief executive officer Faizal Salieh said in an October 17 interview.


Sri Lankan Islamic banking assets could reach $1.5bn from $250mn now, he added, without specifying a timeframe.

Amana posted a net profit of 178mn Sri Lankan rupees ($1.4mn) in the nine months through September and had assets of SLR18bn, according to Salieh.


Amana is targeting unbanked individuals and the small-to-medium sized enterprises that are driving the nation’s growth, Salieh said.


The $59bn economy expanded 8.3% last year, the fastest pace since records began in 1959, as the government boosted spending on roads, ports and power plants following the end of a 26-year civil war in 2009.


“Islamic finance is at an infant stage in Sri Lanka but it’s developing,” Suresh Perera, a tax and regulatory principal with KPMG Sri Lanka in Colombo, said in an interview recently.

“There’s demand from the Muslim population involved in trade and business and there’s also interest from non-Muslims.”


Of the country’s 21.5mn people, about 8% are Muslim, compared with a majority of 69% who are Buddhist, according to the CIA World Factbook. In neighboring India, which has no Islamic finance policies, Muslims account for 13% of the 1.2bn population, the world’s third largest.


Five non-Islamic lenders are also offering Shariah-compliant services through booths, according to an e-mailed statement from the department of bank supervision at the central bank.


Amana’s website shows it has branches concentrated across central Sri Lanka from the west to east coasts, including the capital Colombo and the cities of Kandy, Kattankudy and Mawanella.


Hatton National Bank started its Shariah windows in February to tap the market as about 25% of all businesses in Sri Lanka are owned by Muslims, L A M Hisham, who heads the Islamic finance unit, said in an interview.

“This is an alternative and lucrative way of banking,” Colombo-based Hisham said, adding that the bank’s network of 250 branches helps reach out to Muslim customers. “We are looking for more innovative products to offer.”


There’s been no progress since the government announced in 2010 it would grant Shariah-compliant financial transactions the same tax treatment as non-Islamic products, Amana’s Salieh said.


Hisham said KPMG is leading the lobby to solve those issues, but he doesn’t see them as a hurdle to growth.


Demand for Islamic banking products may not be strong enough for Sri Lanka to develop a regulatory framework as the Muslim population is small, according to Singapore-based consulting company Five Pillars.


“Their many war-torn years may still be a concern before foreign funds consider Islamic finance opportunities in Sri Lanka,” Raj Mohamad, managing director at Five Pillars, said by e-mail. “It still has some years to go before joining the queue to attract Islamic finance monies.”


Drafting new rules would help pave the way for a sale of Shariah-compliant bonds, or sukuk, and provide the nation with an alternative source of financing.


China, India and the Manila- based Asian Development Bank are the biggest donors for infrastructure projects in Sri Lanka.

The International Monetary Fund has provided $2.6bn to help the nation rebuild foreign-currency reserves since the end of the civil war.


“We have supported Islamic finance and will be very supportive,” Ajith Nivard Cabraal, governor of the Central Bank of Sri Lanka, said in an interview recently from Colombo. “Sukuk and other Shariah-compliant instruments would be a source of funding for projects and beneficial to Sri Lanka,” he said.


Worldwide sales of sukuk, which pay returns on assets to comply with Islam’s ban on interest, almost doubled this year to a record $39.1bn from the same period last year, according to data compiled by Bloomberg.


Average yields on the debt declined six basis points, or 0.06 percentage point, last week to an all-time low of 2.86%, the HSBC/Nasdaq Dubai US Dollar Sukuk Index shows. The difference between the average and the London interbank offered rate, or Libor, narrowed 14 basis points to 181 basis points.


Shariah-compliant notes returned 8.5% in 2012, according to the HSBC/Nasdaq index, while debt in developing markets climbed 16.5%, JPMorgan’s EMBI Global Composite Index shows.


Amana, whose shareholders include Bank Islam Malaysia and Jeddah-based Islamic Development Bank, plans to expand to overseas markets such as India, the Maldives and Mauritius once its domestic business strengthens, Salieh said.


“What would drive the growth of Islamic banking in Sri Lanka is its ability to attract investment from outside such as Middle Eastern and Far Eastern funds,” he added.


Islamic banking assets in Sri Lanka are small relative to those in neighboring Pakistan and Bangladesh, who have the world’s second- and fourth-largest Muslim populations.


Holdings that comply with religious tenets in Pakistan total $6.8bn and $10bn in Bangladesh, according to central bank data. Indonesia, home to the world’s largest Muslim population, has assets of $16.8bn.


Sri Lanka’s economy, which relies on exports of tea, spices and textiles, will probably slow to growth of 6.8% in 2012, as the weaker global outlook hurts demand for its goods, central bank governor Cabraal had said by telephone. 

That’s still more than the 3.5% pace in 2009. 

The Asian Development Bank on October 3 estimated the island’s economy will expand 6.5% this year and 7% in 2013.


 “The main opportunity for Islamic finance in Sri Lanka is growth in the Muslim community,” Sanjeewa Fernando, an analyst at CT Smith Stockbrokers in Colombo, said by e-mail.

“Well-organised marketing could be seen as a strategy to overcome challenges such as a lack of awareness.”

At lit fest, Karnad questions Naipaul’s lifetime achievement - Mumbai Mirror -Times of India | Girish Karnad lashes out at VS Naipaul - By Supriya Nair - LIVEMINT.COM

http://www.mumbaimirror.com/index.aspx?page=article&sectid=2&contentid=201211032012110310094877341c2a720
Mumbai Mirror Logo

At lit fest, Karnad questions Naipaul’s lifetime achievement

Playwright launches scathing and unexpected attack on, among other things, Sir Vidia’s stance on the Indian Muslim

Mumbai Mirror Bureau

Posted On Saturday, November 03, 2012 at 10:09:38 AM

A master class by Girish Karnad on his ‘life in theatre’ at a Mumbai lit festival on Friday took a dramatic turn when the playwright launched an unexpected and scathing attack on Nobel laureate V S Naipaul, who was awarded the festival’s Lifetime Achievement Award on October 31.

The crowd of around 80, which included actor Naseeruddin Shah and writer Farrukh Dhondy, at the Experimental Theatre at NCPA, was stunned when Karnad accused Naipaul of mis-characterising Indian history, Islam, and the riots sparked in Mumbai after the Babri Masjid demolition. But after the initial awkwardness, the audience seemed to enjoy his well-worded assault.

Festival director Anil Dharkar said that, although controversies were an acceptable part of a literary festival, he was taken aback by Karnad’s attack. “I told him it was unfair to say this about someone who wasn’t present, and who was bestowed a Lifetime Achievement award by us after considering his whole body of work. But when Girish criticised even the Nobel Prize that Naipaul received, I couldn’t argue much. I just felt when we gave him a platform to talk on a particular subject, to criticise Naipaul was out of place.”

Dhondy said, “Karnad implied that Naipaul received the Nobel Prize because he is anti-Muslim. This sounds like a conspiracy theory from an American ghetto, as misplaced as saying George Bush brought down the Twin Towers. Naipaul’s wife is a Muslim and so are his children. Karnad was being unfair and he was voicing Chinese whispers without knowing the truth. Girish doesn’t know Naipaul. I do.”

Excerpts from Karnad’s speech:

“The award ceremony held on the 31st of October coyly failed to mention that Naipaul was not an Indian and has never claimed to be one. But at no point was the question raised, and the words Shashi Deshpande, the novelist, had used to describe the Neemrana Festival conducted by the ICCR in 2002 perfectly fitted the present event: ‘it was a celebration of a Nobel Laureate …whom India, hopefully, even sycophantically, considered an Indian.’

“Apart from his novels, only two of which take place in India and are abysmal, Naipaul has written three books on India and the books are brilliantly written - he is certainly among the great English writers of our generation. They have been hailed as a continued exploration of India’s journey into modernity, but what strikes one from the very first book, A Wounded Civilization, is their rabid antipathy to the Indian Muslim.

The ‘wound’ in the title is the one inflicted on India by Babur’s invasion. Since then Naipaul has never missed a chance to weigh in against the ‘invaders’, accusing them of having savaged India for five centuries, of having brought, among other dreadful things, poverty into it and destroying the glorious ancient Hindu culture.

“A point that strikes one immediately about these books is that there is not a single word in any of them on Indian music. And I believe that if you cannot respond to music, you cannot understand India. Music is the defining art form of the Indian identity.

Naipaul’s silence on the subject when he is exploring the whole of modern Indian culture suggests to me that he is tone deaf - which in turn explains his insensitivity to the intricate interweaving of Hindu and Muslim creativities, through the Bhakti and Sufi movements, that gave us this extraordinary heritage, alive in the heart of every Indian home.

“What Naipaul’s virulence against Indian Islam conceals, however, is that he has borrowed his model of the history of Indian culture from the British musicologists of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, like William Jones.

“…They decided that this once pure - and - glorious music must have been, at some point during the course of its long history, corrupted and mauled - and they found the villain in the invading Muslim. So, according to them, once upon a time there was a pristine Indian musical culture, which the Muslims had disfigured. They therefore ignored the music that was being performed around them and went in search of the true Hindu music. In his analysis of Indian culture Naipaul simply borrows this line of argument and reemploys it - as his original perception. And not for the first time.

“Naipaul accuses R.K. Narayan of being indifferent to the destruction and death symbolized by the ruins of Vijayanagar, which to him was a bastion of Hindu culture destroyed by the maurauding Muslims. But again he gets this interpretation of the history of Vijayanagar readymade from a book by Robert Sewell called A Forgotten Empire, published in 1900. Naipaul, as always in awe of his colonial sources, simply accepts this picture as the unadorned truth and recycles it wholesale as his own.

“…Of the Taj, probably the most beloved of the monuments in India, Naipaul writes, ‘The Taj is so wasteful so decadent and in the end so cruel that it is painful to be there for very long. This is an extravagance that speaks of the blood of the people.’ He brushes off historian Romila Thapar’s argument that the Mughal era saw a rich efflorescence of the mixture of Hindu and Muslim styles, by attributing her judgment to her Marxist bias and says, ‘The correct truth is the way the invaders look at their actions, They were conquering.

They were subjugating.’ To Naipaul, the Indian Muslim remains an invader for ever, forever condemned to be condemned, because some of them had invaders for their ancestors. It is a usage would yield some strange results if applied to the USA.

“As for Naipaul’s journalistic exploration of modern India, mainly in the form of a series of interviews conducted with Indians right across the board, one must confess they are supremely well written and that he is a master in drawing sharp and precise visuals of the people he talks to and of the places he visits.”

“…(but) How reliable are the conversations he records? In a well-known essay, Naipaul describes his visit to the National Institute of Design, Ahmedabad, where he stayed with his friend, Ashoke Chatterjee, the director of the Institute. In a recent email to me, Mr Chatterjee said, that Naipaul’s essay was ‘a scenario that could have been but was not what he actually saw.

Fragments of reality selected and put together, into a collage of pure fantasy.’

Chatterjee’s friendship with Naipaul came to an abrupt end when Chatterjee told Naipaul that his book, A Wounded Civilization, should be classified as fiction.

“In a recent book, Naipaul takes up for examination the autobiography of Munshi Rahman Khan, who emigrated to Suriname at the end of the nineteenth century, and contrasts it with Gandhi’s. Sanjay Subrahmanyam, the historian, has reviewed the essay in the London Review of Books and it doesn’t take him much effort to establish that Naipaul could only have read a third-hand, truncated translation of the text. ‘It is as if a reader in Gorakhpur was reading Naipaul in Maithili after the text had passed through a Japanese translation.’ That doesn’t prevent Naipaul from commenting even on the style and linguistic usage of Rahman Khan.

“…One of the first things Naipaul did on receiving the Nobel Prize was to visit the office of the BJP in Delhi. He who had earlier declared that he was not political, ‘that to have a political view is to be programmed’, now declared that he was happy to be politically ‘appropriated’. It was then that he made his most infamous remark: ‘Ayodhya’, he said, ‘is a sort of passion. Any passion is creative. Passion leads to creativity.’

“…In cold blood, Naipaul was glamorizing these events as ‘passion’, as ‘a creative act’. “Salman Rushdie’s response was that Naipaul was behaving like ‘a fellow-traveller of Fascism and (that he) disgraces the Noble Prize.’

“…Landmark and Literature Alive who have announced this Award have a responsibility to explain to us where exactly they stand with regard to these Naipaul remarks.

Naipaul is a foreigner and can make pronouncements as he wishes. But do they mean to valorize Naipaul’s stand that Indian Muslims are raiders and marauders? Are they supporting his continued insistence on Muslim buildings in India being monuments to rape and loot? Or are they by their silence suggesting that these views do not matter? The Award givers have much to answer for.”

-----

www.livemint.com


Girish Karnad lashes out at VS Naipaul



Playwright Girish Karnad, speaking at the Tata Literature Live! festival in Mumbai on Friday, took the audience aback with his unexpected criticism of V.S. Naipaul for his “rabid antipathy towards Indian Muslims”, and asked for an explanation from the festival’s organizers on why they had honoured the author with the festival’s Lifetime Achievement Award.

Naipaul was awarded the honour at a function on Wednesday night at the National Centre for the Performing Arts (NCPA), the festival’s venue. Karnad’s remarks came as a surprise at his session, which was scheduled to be a 1hour masterclass of sorts, on his life in theatre.

Extemporizing from his notes, Karnad spent 40 minutes of his hour-long speech putting a bend in the river of gushing Naipaul tributes. “Apart from his novels, only two of which take place in India and are abysmal, Naipaul has written three books on India. The books are brilliantly written,” Karnad said. “He is certainly among the great English writers of our generation. But right from (India:) A Wounded Civilization, he has never missed a chance to weigh in against Muslims, accusing them of having savaged India for five centuries.”

Karnad’s remarks covered a range of Naipaul’s writing, from his characterization of the history of Hampi to his views on the Mughals. “Naipaul won the Nobel Prize in 2001. In London in 2000, word was that Naipaul would never get the Nobel because of what he’d written about Indian Muslims,” Karnad said. But he pointed out that Naipaul was awarded the Nobel barely months after the 9/11 attacks.

Naipaul’s political and social opinions have divided his audiences before. Most recently, in 2011, controversy broke out over Naipaul’s remarks on women writers, all of whom, he said, were sentimental and unequal to him. His views on Islam have also drawn repeated criticism in the past. Karnad recalled, in particular, that Naipaul attended a Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) meeting in New Delhi in 2004, where, on being asked about the Babri Masjid demolition, he is reported to have said, “Ayodhya is a sort of passion. Any passion is to be encouraged. Passion leads to creativity.”

In this context, Karnad said, it was particularly dubious to honour a writer in Mumbai, a city where more than 1,500 Muslims had been murdered in the riots following the demolition of the Babri Masjid in 1992.

Karnad’s remarks were met with applause, but clearly displeased the festival’s organizers.

“This was supposed to be a masterclass, and you are not a master on Naipaul,” said festival director Anil Dharker. “We expected to hear you speak as a playwright. To use this stage for this purpose was rather impolite.”

“I’m imitating Naipaul,” Karnad responded.

“We came here to hear about theatre, sir, not about Babri Masjid,” called out an unidentifiable audience member. Karnad spent the remainder of his session speaking off the cuff about the nature and history of theatre in India.

Novelist Farrukh Dhondy, who accompanied Naipaul to the BJP cultural wing meeting from where his remarks on Ayodhya were reported, says they were “a complete misquotation. He had no views on the Babri Masjid, and said only one thing about it then, that building it was an act of hubris”.

Dhondy, a friend and frequent interviewer of Naipaul, was in conversation with him on the night of his award, but did not have a chance to respond to Karnad in public. “I want to put to bed the notion that Vidia is against Muslims,” Dhondy said. “Islam, as he’s said before, is not his business. He has explored, among others, the phenomenon of Islamic conversions, by a legitimate form of inquiry. He’s never written anything about it in his novels.”

“Vidia has strange opinions, but he doesn’t deserve the sort of character assassination he’s received. For a distinguished playwright to link his Nobel Prize to the aftermath of 9/11 is stupid.”






The roots of Muslim discontent - By Retd. Brig. FB ALI

http://turcopolier.typepad.com/sic_semper_tyrannis/2012/09/the-roots-of-muslim-discontent-fb-ali.html

The roots of Muslim discontent

By FB Ali

An analysis by Brig F B Ali (retired) (now settled in Canada) on an important issue:

FB Ali - 2 (2010)

The recent protests in the Muslim world against the United States (including many violent ones) on account of an amateur film have once again raised the issue of the causes behind such strong reactions, and what can be done to avoid them. While such deliberations are doubtless occurring behind the closed doors of policy-making chambers, comment has also proliferated in the media and in think-tanks. The actions recommended range all the way from acting tough to being more sensitive to the sensibilities of other cultures. However, the first step in any sensible policy-making or intelligent debate and comment should be to understand the causes underlying the problem.

There are some 1.7 billion Muslims in the world. Their homelands stretch all the way from the Atlantic across Central and North Africa to the Middle East, Central Asia, South Asia, and on to the Indonesian islands in the Pacific. They encompass many different races and nationalities, and speak many languages. But beneath this vast diversity they share certain common features that make them a single community, especially in their own view.

The first of these common features among the world’s Muslims is their allegiance to Islam. The religion Muslims practice in different regions often varies in details of ritual and even of dogma, but what is common to them all is their commitment to the ideal of Islam, as well as their avowal of the fundamental tenets of the faith that include certain core beliefs and practices.

A second common feature is their shared cultural base. While the culture of Muslims in different parts of the world varies based on their historical environment and the way it has developed, all these cultures share the same bedrock of certain traits derived from what might be called Muslim culture. This has descended from the earliest Muslims and is heavily tinged with their Bedouin culture, fostering such personal traits as individualism, self-respect bordering on touchiness, courage and fortitude, endurance, generosity and hospitality. This basic culture also encourages such collective values as loyalty to the group, sacrifice to preserve the group and its honour, and conservatism.

A third common feature is their recognition of Muslims throughout the world as one community (the Ummah). For them this is not just a figure of speech, or even an intellectual position, but a deeply felt belief. Every Muslim feels himself to be part of this community, and thus connected to each of its members, wherever they may live. Good or ill fortune befalling any part of the community is felt by other Muslims as if it had happened to them or their family.

A fourth common feature among Muslims worldwide is their antipathy to the West. This has nothing to do with the dictates of their religion (as some with vested interests would like people to believe), but is rooted in their history, specifically their feeling of having always been at war with, or under attack by, the West. These wars began soon after the rise of Islam with the conflict with the Byzantine Empire that lasted from the 7th to the 11th centuries. There followed the successive Crusades against the Muslims during the 12th and 13th centuries, while the destruction of the Muslim states in Spain in the Reconquista went on from the 8th to the 15th  centuries. The 14th and 15th centuries saw the wars between Europe and the Ottoman Empire. From the 17th century the era of European colonialism bloomed and most of the Muslim world was taken over and brought under Western rule, remaining under subjugation well into the 20th  century.

While the details of these earlier conflicts are known only to the educated, they reside in the collective memory that colours the attitudes of succeeding generations. However, several generations of Muslims now living have personally experienced the eras of colonialism and/or post-colonialism. Those who lived through the former not only experienced the humiliation of living under foreign Western rule but also felt their culture to be under attack. The ending of colonial rule often exacerbated old wounds. The botched handover of power by the British in the partitioned Indian subcontinent led to horrendous killings and displacements. In Algeria about a million Algerians died in the war to oust the French. After the Second World War the Dutch waged war for several years against the people of Indonesia in an attempt to re-establish their colonial rule.

In the post-colonial era Muslim countries found themselves caught up in the Cold War, unwilling pawns in what they saw as a Western conflict. Their leaders were often manipulated by the West to serve its own interests, while they neglected the welfare of their own people. The few who tried to assert their independence were slapped down (like Nasser in Egypt and Mossadeq in Iran). Meanwhile, Muslims were still under attack. The Israelis, with Western backing, took over Palestinian lands, and then defeated the Arabs in successive wars, taking over more of their lands. The Soviet Union decimated Afghanistan (and, later, Chechnya). Then came George Bush’s Great War on Terror which destroyed Iraq and Afghanistan (again!) with the death and displacement of hundreds of thousands of innocent Muslims. In addition, the recent development of worldwide communications has unleashed what many Muslims regard as an assault on their culture and its values by Western culture, a battle in which they are losing many of their young people.

It is this sense of conflict with the West and aggression by it against Muslims for centuries that underlies the almost universal antipathy felt towards it by Muslims. The United States, as the current leader of the Western world, now attracts to itself this suspicion and animosity, solidified by its wars in Iraq, Afghanistan, Yemen, Somalia and Pakistan’s tribal areas, and its military and economic dominance of many Muslim lands. (Many Americans who have had dealings with Muslims might be surprised to read of this general sense of animosity because they have not encountered it in their interactions with individual Muslims. The reason for this is that the average Muslim that Americans are likely to encounter is usually discerning enough not to blame individual Americans for the policies and actions of their country, and interacts with them mainly on the basis of their personal attributes and attitudes).

This latent hostility makes it easy for political and religious leaders in the Muslim world, if it serves some purpose of theirs, to arouse people against the US and the West. They can do this using even relatively flimsy reasons, but need no excuse when the triggering event is an attack, actual or alleged, against the Prophet of Islam; in fact, in such cases, they have to line up behind the aroused populace to avoid being accused of indifference. People in the West are generally puzzled by the extreme sensitivity displayed by Muslims on this particular issue, and it is worth explaining.

The Prophet plays a special role in Muslim consciousness. Since the laws and details of their religion, as well as the essentials of their culture, are largely based on the Hadith (the reported actions and sayings of the Prophet), he plays a pivotal role in their sense of the religion, personifying it as its perfect practitioner. To attack him is to attack the foundation of their religion.

Islam is an austere religion and so is its culture; it has no ‘pegs’ to which its followers can attach their emotions. Unlike other religions it has no revered saints and martyrs, no resplendent popes and bishops, no ornate churches and temples, no elaborate rituals and services, no hymns and sacred music, no pomp and ceremony, nothing that can engage the emotions of its followers. The one exception is the Prophet. He is the only entity in Islam that evokes an emotional response in all Muslims. The uniqueness of this emotion adds to its power. To demean and ridicule the Prophet is to strike at the emotional core of being of every Muslim. It is an attack on their sense of identity, on who they are, on the very basis of their existence. (The dynamics at work here are similar to those that cause denial of the Holocaust to be such an extremely sensitive issue for Jewish people. Both are existential issues).

The United States, as the principal power in the world, with its global interests and reach, needs to develop a viable policy of dealing with the Muslim world. Its policy makers (and their supporting cast of numerous advisors, think-tank ‘specialists and experts’, and media commentators) need to first understand what they are dealing with, how the vast majority of Muslims think and feel, what matters to them and why. Without policies based on such a sound understanding the US will continue to encounter the problems and crises that have so far marked its dealings with the Muslim world.
 
Posted at 11:47 AM in FB Ali, Religion

Monday, October 29, 2012

DIPLOMATIC POST FOR AN UNDIPLOMATIC HOT-HEAD - Ghulam Muhammed | Kejriwal and the political vacuum - By Anil Padmanabhan - LIVE MINT

DIPLOMATIC POST FOR AN UNDIPLOMATIC HOT-HEAD

THE MORE CONGRESS TRIES TO PROJECT THAT IT IS NOT BOTHERED BY CORRUPTION AND/OR ANTI-CORRUPTION MOVEMENTS, IT IS DISTANCING ITSELF FROM THE PEOPLE. ITS SHEER BRAVADO AND AUDACITY FLASHED BY ELEVATING SALMAN KHURSHID TO THE POST OF EXTERNAL AFFAIRS MINISTER, AFTER PEOPLE HAD WIDELY WITNESSED HIS UNDIPLOMATIC OUTBURSTS ON THEIR TV SCREENS, SENDS OUT CLEAR MESSAGE FOR THE PEOPLE OF INDIA, THAT CONGRESS AND SONIA FAMILY CARES TWO HOOTS ABOUT WHAT PEOPLE COME TO KNOW ABOUT THEIR WARTS AND WEAK POINTS AND AS LONG AS SALMAN KHURSHID IS PERSONALLY LOYAL AND PROFESSES TO SACRIFICE HIS LIFE FOR SONIA, HE IS A TREASURE FOR THE SYCOPHANCY PRONE CONGRESS TO COVET AND PROMOTE. SO MUCH FOR THE DEPTH AND WORTH OF INDIA'S DEMOCRACY. CORRUPT POLITICAL PARTIES HAVE SPREAD THEIR TENTACLES SO DEEP INTO THE INNARDS OF INDIA'S GOVERNANCE, THAT UNLESS A PEOPLE'S REVOLUTION BURSTS FORTH, INDIA WILL REMAIN ENSLAVED TO A DICTATORIAL RULING CLASS, WHO WILL FEED ON INDIA'S PROGRESS AND HARDLY CARE FOR THE WELFARE OF THE MASSES OF THE DOWNTRODDEN AND DEPRIVED. ENORMOUS FUNDS ARE BEING SIPHONED OFF AND CRIMINALS ARE SHIELDED. INDIA IS A REAL-TIME REPLICA OF FRANCE BEFORE THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.

AT THIS JUNCTURE, THE RELEVANCE OF ARVIND KEJRIWAL COMES OUT IN STARK FOCUS. WILL HE SAVE INDIA AND ITS BILLION PEOPLE BY USHERING IN A CULTURE OF HONESTY, TRANSPARENCY AND ACCOUNTABILITY? INDIA HAS NO OTHER CHOICE BUT TO WAIT FOR HIS ASCENDENCY!

GHULAM MUHAMMED, MUMBAI
<ghulammuhammed3@gmail.com>
-----



http://www.livemint.com/Opinion/NvJ4yFZZZuuL7p6MzOKZ9N/Capital-Calculus--Kejriwal-and-the-political-vacuum.html?google_editors_picks=true




Capital Calculus | Kejriwal and the political vacuum

Kejriwal is simply a case of being at the right place at the right time and saying the right things
First Published: Sun, Oct 28 2012. 04 58 PM IST
Photo: Virendra Singh Gosain/HT
Photo: Virendra Singh Gosain/HT
Updated: Mon, Oct 29 2012. 12 47 AM IST

With almost every passing day activist-turned-politician Arvind Kejriwal is claiming our mind space, if not our votes (as yet). The sheer spectacle of seeing him on prime time television and associated with allegations of expose after expose has made him difficult to ignore and, least of all, forget. Now almost anybody and everybody is struck with one question: What will he do next and will his movement blossom into the promised political alternative? The answer, at the cost of sounding glib, is that it is anybody’s guess.

Actually, the question should be framed differently.

How did the Kejriwal phenomenon happen? It is because Kejriwal is an outcome of a process that is unravelling in Indian politics; he is simply a case of being at the right place at the right time and saying the right things. He is not, contrary to popular perception and what the India Against Corruption group would like us believe, the cause of the phenomenon; instead he is the product of this tectonic shift that is redefining the way this country thinks about politics—like an incoming tide that will reveal itself only when the feet get wet.

Framing it, thus, helps form the right context. More importantly, it also throws up plausible insights into the future course of Indian politics—the only consensus about which is that, at present, it is plumbing historical lows. Suffice to say, regardless of what our politicians claim and say, this is the end of the road of business-as-usual in politics. As always, a change is welcome.

This situation has not come about overnight. It is just that a constellation of circumstances have finally come together to ordain what looks like monumental change; even if they do gang up, like, in effectively stalling the passage of the Lokpal (ombudsman) legislation, it is unlikely that politicians can prevent this round of change; they may be able to slow it though.

Firstly, India has been re-invented demographically. Look around you, whether on the street or in your office, in urban or rural India; what will strike you is how young India is (a colleague who just returned from Tokyo flagged the exact opposite about Japan). All kinds of estimates are flung around, but there is consensus that about 65% of India is less than 35 years of age, that is, two out of three Indians are less than 35 years old.

Not only does this mean that we have a very youthful population, it is also what demographers call the demographic dividend. It is also obvious that this generation has been born mostly after 1980—when the country first initiated steps to remove the policy shackles and what subsequently accelerated into the liberalization wave in 1991. For most of their lifetime they have, materially speaking, known only of good things in life and till recently were not even aware of what it meant to be in an economic crisis. Not surprisingly, therefore, aspiration is their second nature and new India has only stoked their legitimate dreams.

Secondly, in stark contrast to this shift in the demographic structure, the politics and governance of this country has assumed the form of a mass culture: no matter your ideology, once in government you very much pursue the same policies. While foreign investors should be pleased that the direction of reforms is never in question, even though the pace is, the politics has also settled down to a predictable up-down routine. (Which is why the UPA, now that it is in trouble, constantly claims that it is only doing, whether right or wrong, what the National Democratic Alliance did earlier). With corruption going wholesale and elections becoming a contest of individual net worth, the engagement with the public has become more and more disconnected. So, come every election, all parties are still playing the freebie card, even while the public now wants to be taught how to fish and not just served fish. So not only are Indian politicians disconnected with the populace, the allegations acts of graft have created a serious credibility deficit.
Thirdly, all of this has been accompanied by a growing list of accountability parameters; in this, the right to information and an activist judiciary have proved to be a game-changer. In addition, the constant scrutiny of 24x7 TV news channels ensures the general public misses nothing; worse, often distorted and exaggerated impressions gain ground.

So what we have is an explosive mix of a youthful country armed with aspirations and governed by a polity that is well past its sell-by date. This disconnect, together with growing economic pressures from the lack of jobs and persistent double-digit inflation, has transformed this disconnect into a collective anger against politicians. This is manifest in scores of face-offs happening across the country, but rarely find mention in the national media.

The vacuum was waiting to be exploited. Kejriwal—regardless of whether he is the person with the right pedigree for the job—has done precisely this: connect the dots. He may or may not succeed in monetizing this momentum. The good news, for now though, is that it is the end of business-as-usual.

Anil Padmanabhan is deputy managing editor of
Mint and writes every week on the intersection of politics and economics. Comments are welcome at capitalcalculus@livemint.com