Wednesday, May 18, 2011

Barack and Bibi - By THOMAS L. FRIEDMAN - The New York Times

http://www.nytimes.com/2011/05/18/opinion/18friedman.html?nl=todaysheadlines&emc=tha212

New York Times

The Opinion Pages

Op-Ed Columnist

Bibi and Barack

By
Published: May 17, 2011
Reading the headlines from the Middle East these days — Christians and Muslims clashing in Egypt, Syria attempting to crush its democracy rebellion and Palestinians climbing over fences into Israel — you get the sense of a region where the wheels could really start to come off.
Josh Haner/The New York Times -Thomas L. Friedman
In such a moment, President Obama has to show the same decisiveness he showed in tracking down Osama bin Laden. A useful analogy for this moment comes from climate science, where a popular motto says: Given how much climate change is already baked into our future, the best we can do now is manage the unavoidable and avoid the unmanageable.

In Middle East terms, the “unmanageable” we have to avoid is another war between Israel and any of its neighbors. The “unavoidable” we have to manage is dealing with what is certain to be a much more unstable Arab world, sitting atop the world’s largest oil reserves. The strategy we need is a serious peace policy combined with a serious energy policy.

Prime Minister Bibi Netanyahu of Israel is always wondering why his nation is losing support and what the world expects of a tiny country surrounded by implacable foes. I can’t speak for the world, but I can speak for myself. I have no idea whether Israel has a Palestinian or Syrian partner for a secure peace that Israel can live with. But I know this: With a more democratic and populist Arab world in Israel’s future, and with Israel facing the prospect of having a minority of Jews permanently ruling over a majority of Arabs — between Israel and the West Bank, which could lead to Israel being equated with apartheid South Africa all over the world — Israel needs to use every ounce of its creativity to explore ways to securely cede the West Bank to a Palestinian state.
I repeat: It may not be possible. But Netanyahu has not spent his time in office using Israel’s creativity to find ways to do such a deal. He has spent his time trying to avoid such a deal — and everyone knows it. No one is fooled.

Israel is in a dangerous situation. For the first time in its history, it has bad relations with all three regional superpowers — Turkey, Iran and Egypt — plus rapidly eroding support in Europe. 

America is Israel’s only friend today. These strains are not all Israel’s fault by any means, especially with Iran, but Israel will never improve ties with Egypt, Turkey and Europe without a more serious effort to safely get out of the West Bank.

The only way for Netanyahu to be taken seriously again is if he risks some political capital and actually surprises people. Bibi keeps hinting that he is ready for painful territorial compromises involving settlements. Fine, put a map on the table. Let’s see what you’re talking about. Or how about removing the illegal West Bank settlements built by renegade settler groups against the will of Israel’s government. Either move would force Israel’s adversaries to take Bibi seriously and would pressure Palestinians to be equally serious.

Absent that, it’s just silly for us to have Netanyahu addressing the U.S. Congress when he needs to be addressing Palestinians down the street. And it is equally silly for the Palestinians to be going to the United Nations for a state when they need to be persuading Israelis why a Hamas-Fatah rapprochement is in their security interest.

As for managing the unavoidable, well, Obama just announced that he was opening up more federal areas for oil exploration, as Republicans have demanded. Great: Let’s make America even more dependent on an energy resource, the price of which is certain to go up as the world’s population increases and the greatest reserves of which lie beneath what is now the world’s most politically unstable region.

Frankly, I have no problem with more oil drilling, as long as it is done under the highest environmental standards. I have no problem with more nuclear power, if you can find a utility ready to put up the money. My problem is with an energy policy that focuses exclusively on oil drilling and nuclear power. That is not an energy policy. That is a policy for campaign donations. It will have no impact at the pump.


A real energy policy is a system. It has to start with a national renewable energy standard that requires every utility to build up their use of renewable energy — wind, solar, hydro, nuclear, bio — to 20 percent of their total output by 2020. This would be accompanied with higher auto mileage standards and higher national appliance and building efficiency standards. All these standards would then be reinforced with a price on carbon. That is how you get higher energy prices but lower energy bills, because efficiency improvements mean everyone uses less.

We are going to have to raise taxes. Why not a carbon tax that also reduces energy consumption, drives innovation, cleans the air and reduces our dependence on the Middle East?

We don’t want the Arab democracy rebellions to stop, but no one can predict how they will end. The smart thing for us and Israel to do is avoid what we can’t manage, and manage what we can’t avoid. Right now we’re doing neither.
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Tuesday, May 17, 2011

Amma in Tamil Nadu: Muslims “wait and watch” - Md. Ali. TwoCircles.net

http://twocircles.net/2011may17/amma_tamil_nadu_muslims_%E2%80%9Cwait_and_watch%E2%80%9D.html?utm_source=feedburner&utm_medium=email&utm_campaign=Feed%3A+Twocirclesnet-IndianMuslim+%28TwoCircles.net+-+Indian+Muslim+News%29


Amma in Tamil Nadu: Muslims “wait and watch”

Submitted by admin4 on 17 May 2011 - 4:25pm
By Md. Ali, TwoCircles.net,

New Delhi: AIADMK chief J Jayalalithaa was sworn in as the Chief Minister of Tamil Nadu for the third time yesterday. She has inducted one Muslim in her cabinet. He is N Mariam Pitchai. He has been given Environment and Pollution Control, Minorities Welfare including Wakf. Muslims across the state had a guarded response to the victory of Amma who is known for her pro-Brahmin and anti-Muslim stand, including support of Karseva which resulted in the demolition of the Babri Masjid in 1992.

TwoCircles.net talked to people representing a cross section of the Muslim society in Tamil Nadu and the most prominent reaction was “let’s wait and watch.” Although few also talked about a new era in Muslim politics in the state in the form of Prof. Jawahirulla-led MMK fighting elections on its own symbol and winning two seats while being in an alliance with the AIADMK.


AIADMK General Secretary, Ms J. Jayalalithaa, being sworn in as the Chief Minister of Tamil Nadu, by the Tamil Nadu Governor, Mr Surjit Singh Barnala, in Chennai on Monday. [Photo: thehindubusinessline.com]

What could have set the ominous tone better than the temple music pervading the swearing in ceremony? Temple music has been used the first time in these kinds of state functions. Normally Tamil music is used, informs Shafi Ahmad Ko, a senior journalist based in Chennai. Many people might consider it as symbolic for the future direction of Amma’s regime when it comes to Muslims and secularism. But Ahmad also cautions from any knee-jerk reaction from Muslims’ side as far as receiving Jayalalithaa’s government is concerned. “Let’s not exaggerate what Amma stands for.

Although she is known for her uncharitable steps towards Muslims but it’s better to wait and watch at least for now,” adds Ahmad.


While talking to TwoCircles.net, Shafi Ahmad points out that “Karunanidhi is seen as pro-Muslim while Amma is notorious for her anti-Muslims steps, for instance, Anti-Conversion Bill, which had to be withdrawn after huge hue and cry by the secular civil society.” But he also adds that “while few might be apprehensive of Amma’s regime but the general attitude of Muslims is, wait and watch.”

SM Pasha, a veteran observer of Muslim politics in Tamil Nadu, welcomes Amma becoming the CM. “I am sure Amma will be much better for the Muslims in the state than Karunanidhi. It’s high time Muslims should explore new options,” says Pasha.

Pasha also talks about the quality of Muslim MLA than the quantity. Calling the MLAs of the Muslim League as the “bootlickers of DMK” he hopes that something good will come out of the MMK’s alliance with AIADMK.”

Dr. Sattar, Tamil Nadu chief of All India Majlise Mushawarat, prefers to be calm and cool about Amma’s regime saying that Muslims should campaign and lobby for proportionate reservation for the community. “Reservation is the only thing which can help Muslims in the long run,” says Sattar.
A surgeon by profession, Dr. Sattar doesn’t favor Muslims going with any one particular party.

Instead he advocates that Muslims should be present in all the parties as it is happening these days. So that they can lobby for the interests of the community irrespective of whichever party is in power. It’s also important because Muslims in Tamil Nadu can’t be a united vote block because they are just 5-6 % and they are affiliated to either DMK or AIADMK.”

Sattar rubbishes the talk of MMK heralding new kind of Muslim politics in the state, saying that “people didn’t vote for MMK, they voted against Muslim League and the DMK.”

“With just two seats they won’t be able to do anything at all. It’s better for Muslims to side with mainstream regional parties like DMK and AIADMK,” Sattar concludes.
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Monday, May 16, 2011

Nakba Day - Wikipedia.org

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nakba_Day


Nakba Day

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Nakba Day (Arabic: يوم النكبة Yawm an-Nakbah, meaning "day of the catastrophe") is an annual day of commemoration for the Palestinian people of the displacement that accompanied the creation of Israel in 1948.[1]

Contents

[hide]

[edit] Defining Nakba

Main article: 1948 Palestinian exodus

During the 1948 Palestine War, an estimated 700,000 Palestinians were expelled or fled, and hundreds of Palestinian villages were depopulated and destroyed.[2][3] The vast majority of Palestinian refugees, both those outside the 1949 armistice lines at the war's conclusion and those internally displaced, were barred by the newly declared state of Israel from returning to their homes or reclaiming their property.[2][3] They number several million people today, divided between Jordan (2 million), Lebanon (427,057), Syria (477,700), the West Bank (788,108) and the Gaza Strip (1.1 million), with another at least quarter of million internally displaced Palestinians in Israel.[4]

This dispossession and dispersal of the Palestinian people is known to them as al-Nakba, meaning "the castastrope," or "the disaster."[5][6]

Prior to its adoption by the Palestinian nationalist movement, the "Year of the Catastrophe" among Arabs referred to 1920, when European colonial powers partitioned the Ottoman Empire into a series of separate states along lines of their own choosing.[7] The term was first used to reference the events of 1948 in the summer of that same year by the Syrian writer Constantine Zureiq in his work Ma'na al-Nakba ("The Meaning of the Nakba"; published in English in 1956).[8]

Initially, use of the term Nakba among Palestinians was not universal. For example, many years after 1948, Palestinian refugees in Lebanon avoided and even actively resisted using the term, because it lent permanency to a situation they viewed as temporary, and they often insisted on being called "returnees."[9] In the 1950s and 1960s, terms they used to describe the events of 1948 were more eupheumistic and included al-ightisab ("the rape"), al-ahdath ("the events"), al-hijra ("the exodus"), and lamma sharna wa tla'na ("when we blackened our faces and left").[9] Nakba narratives were avoided by the leadership of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) in Lebanon in the 1970s, in favor of a narrative of revolution and renewal.[9] Interest in the Nakba by organizations representing refugees in Lebanon surged in the 1990s due to the perception that the refugees' right of return might be negotiated away in exchange for Palestinian statehood, and the desire was to send a clear message to the international community that this right was non-negotiable.[9]

Though the Nakba refers to the events of 1948, their continued salience due to the irresolution of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict has prompted Palestinians like Mahmoud Darwish to describe the Nakba as, "an extended present that promises to continue in the future."[6]

[edit] Timing

Nakba Day is generally commemorated on May 15, the day after the Gregorian calendar date for Israel's Independence.

In Israel, Nakba Day events by Arab citizens have been held on Yom Ha'atzmaut (Israel's Independence Day), which is celebrated in Israel on the Hebrew calendar date (5 Iyar). Because of the differences between the Hebrew and the Gregorian calendars, Independence Day and the official May 15 date for Nakba Day usually only coincide every 19 years.[10]

[edit] Commemoration

Palestinian girl in a protest on Nakba Day 2010 in Hebron, West Bank. Her sign says "Surely we will return, Palestine." Most of the Palestinian refugees in the West Bank are descendants of people whose families hail from areas that were incorporated into Israel in 1948.[4]

Commemoration of the Nakba by Arab citizens of Israel who are internally displaced persons as a result of the 1948 war has been practiced for decades, but until the early 1990s was relatively weak. Initially, the memory of the catastrophe of 1948 was personal and communal in character and families or members of a given village would use the day to gather at the site of their former villages.[11] Small scale commemorations of the tenth anniversary in the form of silent vigils were held by Arab students at a few schools in Israel in 1958, despite attempts by the Israeli authorities to thwart them.[12] Visits to the sites of former villages became increasingly visible after the events of Land Day in 1976.[11] In the wake up of the failure of the 1991 Madrid Conference to broach the subject of refugees, the Association for the Defense of the Rights of the Internally Displaced in Israel was founded to organize a March of Return to the site of a different village every year on May 15, so as to place the issue on the Israeli public agenda.[13] By the early 1990s, annual commemorations of the day by Palestinian Arab citizens of Israel held a prominent place in the community's public discourse.[11][14]

Meron Benvenisti writes that it was "…Israeli Arabs who taught the residents of the territories to commemorate Nakba Day."[15] Palestinians in the occupied territories were called upon to commemorate May 15 as day of national mourning by the Palestine Liberation Organization's United National Command of the Uprising during the First Intifada in 1988.[16] The day was inaugurated by Yasser Arafat in 1998.[17]
The event is often marked by speeches and rallies by Palestinians in Israel, the West Bank and Gaza, in Palestinian refugee camps in Arab states, and in other places around the world.[18][19] Protests at times develop into clashes between Palestinians and the Israel Defense Forces in the West Bank and Gaza Strip.[20][21][22] In 2003 and 2004, there were demonstrations in London[23] and New York City.[24]

In 2002, Zochrot was established to organize events raising the awareness of the Nakba in Hebrew so as to bring Palestinians and Israelis closer to a true reconciliation. The name is the Hebrew feminine plural form of "remember".[11]

[edit] 2011 commemoration

For the 63rd commemoration of Nakba Day, Palestinians and other Arabs from the West Bank, Gaza Strip, Syria, and Lebanon marched towards their respective borders with Israel to mark the event. At least 12 Palestinians and their supporters were killed as a result of shootings by the Israeli Army. According to the BBC, the 2011 Nakba Day demonstrations were given impetus by the revolutions and uprisings taking place throughout the Arab world.[25]

At the Qalandia checkpoint in the West Bank near East Jerusalem, a standoff between Israeli soldiers and around 100 Palestinian protesters ensued with Palestinians hurling stones at Israeli forces who responded with tear gas and rubber bullets. Dozens of Palestinians were injured in the clashes. Further clashes took place in various cities in the West Bank and neighborhoods in East Jerusalem. In East Jerusalem, Nakba Day commemorations began on May 13. Israeli authorities arrested 70 people throughout the city and clashes resulted in one Palestinian death in Silwan.[26] Roughly 1,000 Palestinians marched towards the Erez Crossing in the Gaza Strip. Israeli forces intermittently fired at them with tanks and machine guns resulting in at least one death and the injury of around 80 demonstrators.[26][25] Hamas, which governs the territory, reportedly asked protesters to withdraw from the border.[26] Hundreds of Arabs as well as Jews held the first public commemoration of the Nakba in Jaffa to protest the "Nakba law" passed by the Israeli Knesset in March. Demonstrators chanted Palestinian and pan-Arab solidarity slogans [27]

Tens of thousands of demonstrators, mostly Palestinian refugees, in Lebanon marched to the Israeli border chanting "By our soul, our blood, we sacrifice ourselves for you, Palestine" as the Lebanese Army fired warning shots in the air to scatter the crowds. Israeli forces then fired at demonstrators who they accused of vandalizing the border fence. The Lebanese military stated at least ten protesters were killed while scores were injured. From Syria, thousands of Palestinian supporters managed to enter the Golan Heights, currently under Israeli occupation. The Israeli military stated it fired warning shots when several protesters attempted to breach a border fence and enter the Arab town of Majdal Shams.[25] The Syrian government said four Syrian citizens were killed and dozens injured as a result of Israeli fire.s.[26] Israel stated the demonstrators committed a "serious" incursion and that Israeli forces struggled to contain the crowds. Syria condemned Israel stating it "will have to bear full responsibility" for its actions which they described as "criminal." Israel responded by saying "Syria is a police state. Demonstrators do not randomly approach the border without the prior approval of the central government" and that the demonstrations were an "Iranian provocation, on both the Syrian and the Lebanese frontiers, to try to exploit the Nakba day commemorations."[25]

Nakba Day commemorations took place in other parts of the Arab world as well. At least 120 Egyptians were injured as Egyptian security forces forcibly prevented the storming of the Israeli embassy in Cairo by thousands of protesters who gathered outside. Around 20 protesters were arrested.[28] Although Egyptian forces largely blocked access to the Sinai Peninsula to prevent a Nakba Day march towards the Rafah crossing, about 80 activists managed to reach it.[29] In Jordan, 200 Palestinian students attempted to march towards the Israeli border, but were restrained by Jordanian security forces resulting in the injury of six people.[30]

[edit] Objections to commemoration of Nakba Day

Criticism of the observance of Nakba Day in the Israeli media involves claims that it is marked by Palestinians to celebrate their alleged wishes for the dismantling of the Israeli state and the Jewish majority population, and that the greater tragedy resides in the inability to solidify a stronger national movement for Palestinian citizens.[31][32] Arab citizens of Israel have also been admonished for observing Nakba Day in light of their relatively higher standards of living when compared to that of Palestinian residents living under Israeli military occupation,[33] or in neighbouring Arab states.

Israeli media also reports that displacement and loss of property during the 20th century is not unique to the Palestinian, and that in 1940 approximately 800,000 jews lived in Arab states (mostly in Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia, Iraq and Egypt), who in the following years were banished and were disinherited from most of their property.[34]

On 23 March 2011, the Knesset approved, by a vote of 37 in favor to 25 against,[35] a change to the Government budget, giving the Israeli Finance Minister the discretion to reduce funding to any non-governmental organization (NGO) that organizes Nakba commemoration events.[36][37]
Israeli group Im Tirtzu has launched a campaign, stating that "the Nakba is a myth and a scam, aimed at rewriting history and making the victim the aggressor".[38]

[edit] See also

[edit] References

  1. ^ David W. Lesch, Benjamin Frankel (2004). History in Dispute: The Middle East since 1945 (Illustrated ed.). St. James Press. p. 102. ISBN 1558624724, 9781558624726. "The Palestinian recalled their "Nakba Day", their "catastrophe" — the displacement that accompanied the creation of the State of Israel — in 1948."
  2. ^ a b Morris, Benny (2003). The Birth of the Palestinian Refugee Problem Revisited. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0-521-00967-7, p. 604.
  3. ^ a b Khalidi, Walid (Ed.) (1992). All That Remains: The Palestinian Villages Occupied and Depopulated by Israel in 1948. Washington: Institute for Palestine Studies. ISBN 0-88728-224-5.
  4. ^ a b Figures given here for the number of Palestinian refugees includes only those registered with UNRWA as June 2010. Internally displaced Palestinians were not registered, among others. Factbox: Palestinian refugee statistics
  5. ^ Samih K. Farsoun (2004). Culture and customs of the Palestinians (Illustrated ed.). Greenwood Publishing Group. p. 14. ISBN 0313320519, 9780313320514.
  6. ^ a b Derek Gregory (2004). The colonial present: Afghanistan, Palestine, Iraq (Illustrated, reprint ed.). Wiley-Blackwell. p. 86. ISBN 1577180909, 9781577180906.
  7. ^ Antonius, George (1979), The Arab awakening: the story of the Arab national movement, Putnam, p. 312, "The year 1920 has an evil name in Arab annals: it is referred to as the Year of the Catastrophe (Am al-Nakba). It saw the first armed risings that occurred in protest against the post-War settlement imposed by the Allies on the Arab countries. In that year, serious outbreaks took place in Syria, Palestine, and Iraq"
  8. ^ Rochelle Davis (2010). Palestinian Village Histories: Geographies of the Displaced (Ilustrated ed.). Stanford University Press. p. 237. ISBN 0804773130, 9780804773133.
  9. ^ a b c d Ahmad H. Sa'di, Lila Abu-Lughod (2007). Nakba: Palestine, 1948, and the claims of memory (Illustrated ed.). Columbia University Press. pp. 253–254. ISBN 0231135793, 9780231135795.
  10. ^ Hertz-Larowitz, Rachel (2003). Arab and Jewish Youth in Israel: Voicing National Injustice on Campus. Journal of Social Issues, 59(1), 51-66.
  11. ^ a b c d Nur Masalha (2005). Catastrophe remembered: Palestine, Israel and the internal refugees: essays in memory of Edward W. Said (1935–2003). Zed Books. p. 221. ISBN 1842776231, 9781842776230.
  12. ^ Hillel Cohen (2010). Good Arabs: the Israeli security agencies and the Israeli Arabs, 1948–1967 (Illustrated ed.). University of California Press. p. 142. ISBN 0520257677, 9780520257672.
  13. ^ Masalha, 2005, p. 216.
  14. ^ In 2006, for example, Azmi Bishara, an Arab member of the Knesset told the Israeli newspaper Maariv: "Independence Day is your holiday, not ours. We mark this as the day of our Nakba, the tragedy that befell the Palestinian nation in 1948." (Maariv article (in Hebrew))
  15. ^ Mêrôn Benveniśtî (2007). Son of the cypresses: memories, reflections, and regrets from a political life. University of California Press. p. 164. ISBN 0520238257, 9780520238251.
  16. ^ Shaul Mishal, Reʼuven Aharoni (1994). Speaking stones: communiqués from the Intifada underground. Syracuse University Press. p. 96. ISBN 081562607X, 9780815626077. "May 15, which denotes the nakba, will be a day of national mourning and a general strike; public and private transportation will cease, and all will remain in their houses."
  17. ^ Rubin, Barry and Rubin, Judith Colp (2003). Yasir Arafat: A Political Biography. New York: Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-516689-2, p. 187.
  18. ^ "Anger over Palestinian Nakba ban proposal". BBC News. 2009-05-25. Retrieved 2010-05-19.
  19. ^ Bowker, Robert (2003). Palestinian Refugees: Mythology, Identity, and the Search for Peace. Lynne Rienner Publishers. ISBN 1-58826-202-2, p. 96.
  20. ^ Analysis: Why Palestinians are angry, BBC News Online, 15 May 2000.
  21. ^ Violence erupts in West Bank, BBC News Online, 15 May 2000.
  22. ^ Israel - Palestinian Violence, National Public Radio, 15 May 2000.
  23. ^ Pro-Palestine rally in London, BBC News Online, 15 May 2003.
  24. ^ Al-Nakba Day Rally in Times Square, 2004.
  25. ^ a b c d Israeli forces open fire at Palestinian protesters. BBC News. 2011-05-15.
  26. ^ a b c d Palestinians killed in 'Nakba' clashes. Al-Jazeera English. 2011-05-15.
  27. ^ Hartman, Ben. Hundreds hold first-ever Nakba Day march in Jaffa. JPost. 2011-05-15.
  28. ^ Scores injured at Nakba rally in Cairo. Al-Jazeera English. 2011-05-15.
  29. ^ Egyptians rally at Rafah for Palestinian rights. Ma'an News Agency. 2011-05-15.
  30. ^ Muir, Jim. Palestinian protests: Arab spring or foreign manipulation?. BBC News. 2011-05-15.
  31. ^ The Palestine Nakba Controversy
  32. ^ The real Nakba, By Shlomo Avineri, 09/05/2008
  33. ^ Time to stop mourning, By Meron Benvenisti
  34. ^ The Other Nakba: How Arab-Jews' property was robbed, By Tani Goldstein, 14 May 2011
  35. ^ Knesset Approves Nakba Law, by Elad Benari, 23 March 2011
  36. ^ Elia Zureik (2011). Elia Zureik, David Lyon, Yasmeen Abu-Laban. ed. Surveillance and Control in Israel/Palestine: Population, Territory and Power (Illustrated ed.). Taylor & Francis. p. 17. ISBN 0415588618, 9780415588614.
  37. ^ MK Zahalka: Racist laws target Arab sector, by Roni Sofer, 22 March 2011
  38. ^ Im Tirtzu new campaign: "Nakba Harta", by Amihay Ataeli, 13 May 2011

[edit] External links

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