Chilcot Report and Zionist Lobby’s Role in Iraq War – Gilad Atzmon

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Gilad Atzmon is an Israeli peace activist, writer, poet and popular musician who now lives in London. Hisrecent book, The Wandering Who? A Study of Jewish Identity Politics, is available on Amazon.com

Chilcot Report and Zionist Lobby’s Role in Iraq War – Gilad Atzmon

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Since the Iraq war, the same Jewish Lobby has mounted enormous pressure on western governments, promoting more Zio-centric interventionist wars in Syria, Libya and Iran. So why did the Chilcot Inquiry fail to address this topic? This crucial failure by Chilcot was to be expected. In 2010, highly respected veteran British diplomat Oliver Miles had something to say about the Jewish make-up of the Chilcot Inquiry. Two out of the five members of the inquiry were Jews, pro war and Blair supporters 

GILAD ATZMON | Caravan Daily

It took seven years for Sir Chilcot and his team to reach a set of conclusions that every Brit capable of thought understood back in November, 2013.

The inquiry produced a damning assessment of Blair’s conduct as well as the British military. But the Chilcot Inquiry failed to expose the crucial close ties between Blair’s criminal war, the Jewish Lobby and Israel.

At the time Britain entered the criminal war against Iraq, Blair’s chief funders were Lord ‘cashpoint’ Levy and the LFI (Labour Friends of Israel). The prime advocates for the immoral interventionist war within the British press were Jewish Chronicle writers David Aaronovitch and Nick Cohen. The attorney general that gave the green light for the war was Lord Goldsmith.

In 2008 The Guardian revealed that the “Foreign and Commonwealth Office (FCO) successfully fought to keep secret any mention of Israel contained on the first draft of the controversial.” Israel was conspicuously engaged in the vast production of WMDs. If Britain and America had any genuine concerns about WMDs, bombing Tel Aviv would have been the way to go.

In 2003 some intelligence experts insisted that the Iraq’s WMD dossier was initially produced in Tel Aviv and only ‘sexed up’ in London.

Since the Iraq war, the same Jewish Lobby has mounted enormous pressure on western governments, promoting more Zio-centric interventionist wars in Syria, Libya and Iran. So why did the Chilcot Inquiry fail to address this topic?

This crucial failure by Chilcot was to be expected. In 2010, highly respected veteran British diplomat Oliver Miles had something to say about the Jewish make-up of the Chilcot Inquiry. Two out of the five members of the inquiry were Jews, pro war and Blair supporters.

This is what Miles wrote in the Independent:

“Rather less attention has been paid to the curious appointment of two historians (which seems a lot, out of a total of five), both strong supporters of Tony Blair and/or the Iraq war. In December 2004 Sir Martin Gilbert, while pointing out that the “war on terror” was not a third world war, wrote that Bush and Blair “may well, with the passage of time and the opening of the archives, join the ranks of Roosevelt and Churchill” – an eccentric opinion that would seem to rule him out as a member of the committee. Sir Lawrence Freedman is the reputed architect of the “Blair doctrine” of humanitarian intervention, which was invoked in Kosovo and Afghanistan as well as Iraq.

Both Gilbert and Freedman are Jewish, and Gilbert at least has a record of active support for Zionism. 

Such facts are not usually mentioned in the mainstream British and American media, but The Jewish Chronicle and the Israeli media have no such inhibitions, and the Arabic media both in London and in the region are usually not far behind.”

Oliver Miles point was valid, and proved correct. The Chilcot Inquiry wasn’t just destined to fail. It was designed to subvert any scrutiny of Israel and its hawkish pro war lobby.

The Chilcot Report gave the British public what it wanted. It blamed Blair for failing in his responsibilities to them. But the report’s focus on Blair, diplomacy, the military and  intelligence failures concealed the Lobby that was pulling the strings.

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After Attacks on Muslims, Many Ask: Where Is the Outpouring? By ANNE BARNARD - The New York Times, JULY 5, 2016

http://www.nytimes.com/2016/07/06/world/europe/muslims-baghdad-dhaka-istanbul-terror.html?emc=edit_th_20160706&nl=todaysheadlines&nlid=28904237&_r=0


THE NEW YORK TIMES

After Attacks on Muslims, Many Ask: Where Is the Outpouring?

By ANNE BARNARDJULY 5, 2016

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Bangladeshis paid tribute on Sunday to the victims killed in the attack at the Holey Artisan Bakery in the diplomatic district of Dhaka, the capital of Bangladesh. CreditAssociated Press

PARIS — In recent days, jihadists killed 41 people at Istanbul’s bustling, shiny airport; 22 at a cafe in Bangladesh; and at least 250 celebrating the final days of Ramadan in Baghdad. Then the Islamic State attacked, again, with bombings in three cities in Saudi Arabia.

By Tuesday, Michel Kilo, a Syrian dissident, was leaning wearily over his coffee at a Left Bank cafe, wondering: Where was the global outrage? Where was the outpouring that came after the same terrorist groups unleashed horror in Brussels and here in Paris? In a supposedly globalized world, do nonwhites, non-Christians and non-Westerners count as fully human?

“All this crazy violence has a goal,” Mr. Kilo, who is Christian, said: to create a backlash against Muslims, divide societies and “make Sunnis feel that no matter what happens, they don’t have any other option.”

This is not the first time that the West seems to have shrugged off massacres in predominantly Muslim countries. But the relative indifference after so many deaths caused by the very groups that have plagued the West is more than a matter of hurt feelings.

One of the primary goals of the Islamic State and other radical Islamist groups is to drive a wedge between Sunni Muslims and the wider world, to fuel alienation as a recruiting tool. And when that world appears to show less empathy for the victims of attacks in Muslim nations, who have borne the brunt of the Islamic State’s massacres and predatory rule, it seems to prove their point.

“Why isn’t #PrayForIraq trending?” Razan Hasan of Baghdad posted on Twitter. “Oh yeah no one cares about us.”

Hira Saeed of Ottawa asked on Twitter why Facebook had not activated itsSafety Check feature after recent attacks as it did for Brussels, Paris andOrlando, Fla., and why social media had not been similarly filled with the flags of Turkey, Bangladesh and Iraq. “The hypocrisy is the western world is strong,” she wrote.

Continue reading the main story

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The global mood increasingly feels like one of atavism, of retreat into narrower identities of nation, politics or sect, with Britain voting to leave the European Union and many Americans supporting the nativist presidential campaign of Donald J. Trump.

The violence feeds a growing impulse among many in the West to fear Muslims and Arabs, which has already prompted a political crisis over immigration that, in turn, has buttressed extremists’ goals. Europe is convulsing over a movement to reject refugees from Syria and Iraq, who are themselves fleeing violence by jihadists and their own governments.

It is in Syria and Iraq that the Islamic State has established its so-called caliphate, ruling overwhelmingly Muslim populations with the threat of gruesome violence. The group has killed Muslims in those countries by the thousands, by far the largest share of its victims.

When Islamic State militants mowed down cafegoers in Paris in November, people across the world adorned public landmarks and their private Facebook pages with the French flag — not just in Europe and the United States, but also, with an empathy born of experience, in Syria and Iraq.

But over the past week, Facebook activated its Safety Check feature, which allows people in the vicinity of a disaster to mark themselves safe, only after the attack on the Istanbul airport.

The flags of Iraq, Saudi Arabia, Turkey and Bangladesh have not been widely projected on landmarks or adopted as profile pictures. (Photographs on social media showed that in Bosnia and Herzegovina, one of Europe’s two majority-Muslim countries, the Turkish flag was beamed onto a bridge in Mostar, the scene of sectarian killings in the 1990s.) Some wonder if part of the reason is that three of those flags bear Islamic symbols or slogans.

“More deaths in Iraq in the last week than Paris and Orlando combined but nobody is changing their profile pics, building colours, etc.,” Kareem Rahaman wrote on Twitter.

Photo

Relatives on Monday mourned a victim killed in the attack at the Holey Artisan Bakery in Dhaka.CreditAdnan Abidi/Reuters

There are some understandable reasons for the differing reactions. People typically identify more closely with places and cultures that are familiar to them. With Iraq, there is also a degree of fatigue, and a feeling that a bombing there is less surprising than one in Europe.

Deadly attacks have been a constant in Iraq after years of American occupation, followed by a sectarian war in which Sunni and Shiite militias slaughtered civilians of the opposite sect. Still, while terrorist attacks in Europe may feel more surprising to the West — though they have become all too common there, too — that does not explain the relative indifference to attacks in Istanbul, Saudi Arabia or Bangladesh.

“That’s what happens in Iraq,” Sajad Jiyad, a researcher in Iraq who rushed to the scene of the Baghdad bombing and found that one of his friends had died there, wrote on his own blog. “Deaths become just statistics, and the frequency of attacks means the shock doesn’t register as it would elsewhere, or that you have enough time to feel sad or grieve.”

In the Muslim world, the partly sectarian nature of some conflicts shades people’s reactions, producing a kind of internal sympathy gap. People from one sect or political group often discount or excuse casualties from another.

In Iraq, the Islamic State took root within an insurgency against the country’s Shiite-led government, and Shiite militias fighting it have been accused of brutality as well. In Syria, it is just one menace; many more Syrians have been killed by the government’s attacks on areas held by Sunni insurgents, including rebel groups opposed to the Islamic State.

Mr. Jiyad added that the Islamic State was “hoping to incite a reaction and a spiral into endless violence,” and that Iraqis played into that when they mourned more for their own sect than for others.

In the West, though, there is a tendency in certain quarters, legitimized by some politicians, to conflate extremist Islamist militants with the Muslim societies that are often their primary victims, or to dismiss Muslim countries as inherently violent.

“Either Iraqi blood is too cheap or murder is normalized,” Sayed Saleh Qazwini, an Islamic educator in Michigan, wrote on Twitter.

In Paris, a rainbow flag hangs on the Hotel de Ville, memorializing the 49 people gunned down at a gay nightclub in Orlando last month. But in a corner shop on Monday, the woman who served me had no such sympathy for the Middle East.

When she asked where I lived, and I told her Beirut, Lebanon, she exclaimed about the violence in the region. Struggling to explain that there is a lot more than just violence happening there, I said: “Yes, there are a lot of problems. What can one do?”

“Exterminer les islamistes,” she said grimly. Exterminate: a strong word. Islamists: a broad category of people.

Mr. Kilo, who spent years in the prisons of the Syrian government and opposes both it and the Islamic State, said his life in Paris had changed since November. Speaking Arabic is now suspect. He sees fear in French people’s eyes when they see Syrians.

“I’m afraid, too,” he said. “Someone could blow himself up anytime.”

He has written an article that will be published in the newspaper Al Araby Al Jadeed, titled “The Curse of Syria.”

The failure of empathy is broader than the Islamic State, he said; it extends to the international community’s unwillingness or inability to stop the slaughter of the Syrian civil war, which began with protests for political change.

“If we lose all humanity,” Mr. Kilo said, “if you allow the slaughter of a nation for five and a half years, after all the leaders of the international community declared the right of these people to revolt against their government, then expect Islamic State — and many other Islamic States in other forms and shapes.”

Follow Anne Barnard on Twitter @ABarnardNYT.

Maher Samaan contributed reporting from Paris, and Karen Zraick from New York.

Eid Mubarak circa 2008

FROM THE THROBBING CITY OF MUMBAI, THAT DEFIES ADVERSITY AND THROBS FOR HUMANKIND OF ALL COLORS, CASTES, RELIGION, LANGUAGE, REGION AND ETHNICITY

    EID MUBARAK

TO

THE ENTIRE WORLD THAT SHARES ITS SPIRIT OF DEFIANCE AND UNITY IN DIVERSITY

FROM ONE OF ITS PROUD AND HUMBLE CITIZEN

GHULAM MUHAMMED, MUMBAI

Circa 2008

MIRROR EXCLUSIVE: MEET THE MUMBAI POLICE OFFICER CBI SAYS IT CAN’T CATCH - By Nazia Sayed & Divyesh Singh, Mumbai Mirror , A TOI publication

http://www.mumbaimirror.com/mumbai/cover-story/Mirror-Exclusive-Meet-the-Mumbai-police-officer-CBI-says-it-cant-catch/articleshow/53027695.cms

MumbaiMirror

MIRROR EXCLUSIVE: MEET THE MUMBAI POLICE OFFICER CBI SAYS IT CAN’T CATCH

By Nazia Sayed & Divyesh Singh, Mumbai Mirror | Jul 3, 2016, 02.28 AM IST

Inspector Ramesh More at his housing society in Bhandup; (inset) getting into a car to leave home at 10.30 am as he does almost every day

Mirror followed Inspector Ramesh More, wanted in connection with the disappearance of a witness in the 2008 Malegaon blasts case, for two days. But the CBI has told court it just can't find him.

A Mumbai police officer, who is an accused in the disappearance of a witness in the 2008 Malegaon blasts case and has the CBI looking for him for over a month now, has been moving around freely in the city and even partied this week in the housing society where his family resides in Bhandup.

Inspector Ramesh More, who along with ACP Rajan Ghule (now retired) is wanted in connection with the disappearance of Indore resident Dilip Patidar in in November 2008, visits his family every day, but takes care to spend the night in another apartment in the same housing society. He also leaves home every day around 10.30 am, returns late in the night and drives a car that is not registered in his or any of his family members' name.

But can such rudimentary precautions keep an accused out of the reach of the country's premier investigating agency? The CBI on June 3 told the Indore bench of the Madhya Pradesh High Court, which is hearing a case filed by Patidar's family, that they have been unable to trace More or Ghule despite their best efforts.

But here was More (see pictures) in plain sight on June 30 and July 1as a Mumbai Mirror team followed him around the city. In these pictures, he can be seen sitting in his housing society - Bhandup's Usha Complex -- and chatting calmly on his phone. The second picture shows him leaving home as he has been doing every day at around 9.30 am. The car in this picture is a Hyundai i20, MH 03 AZ 695. More changes his car every few days.

Given the pattern he follows, he should be a sitting duck for the CBI. But somehow its officers haven't been able to get anywhere near More for over a month now.

Patidar was picked up by a Maharashtra ATS team from Indore's Shantivihar Colony on November 10, 2008, two months after two bombs went off in Malegaon, killing seven people. He was brought to the Kalachowkie police station, where More and Ghule, both with the ATS then, began interrogating him. Patidar owned a property where one of the key Malegaon blasts accused, Ramji Kalsangra, had spent some time. ATS believed Patidar's testimony would strengthen the case against Kalsangra, who is absconding.

November 17, 2008 was the last time Patidar's family heard from him. Over the phone, he told his wife that there was a threat to his life and that he was being tortured in police custody. More and Ghule have maintained that they released Patidar from Kalachowkie police's custody on November 21 so that he could return with some crucial documents, but he never did.

Fearing the worst, the Patidars on November 24 filed a habeas corpus (literal translation: 'produce the body') petition at the Indore High Court. Habeas corpus is a recourse in law whereby a person can report an unlawful detention or imprisonment before a court.

The HC set up a team to locate him, which submitted a report saying that Patidar had gone into hiding. The family then approached the court again and in October 2010, the HC directed the CBI to investigate Patidar's disappearance.

In its first report in June 2014, the CBI accused More and Ghule of kidnapping and murdering Patidar.

The court issued an arrest warrant against the two cops in May 2016. However, a CBI team from Indore failed to find either More or Ghule in Mumbai. The report filed by the agency before the HC on June 3 said its men had checked everywhere, including the two officers' residences. The court then reissued the arrest warrant.

What is happening with More is in a way reflection of what has been happening with the main Malegaon blasts case. The National Investigating agency, after the statement of key witnesses recorded before a magistrate went missing, went back to the same witnesses and recorded fresh statements exonerating the prime accused Pragya Thakur and Lt. Col. Purohit. Instead of taking ATS's case forward, which was supported by incriminating evidence against these accused, NIA re-examined the witnesses.

Sources said More has stationed watch-keepers outside the housing society to alert him if cops arrive looking for him. He also has deployed his informers' network within the police department to keep him out of the CBI's reach.

However, a Mumbai police officer, who did not wish to be identified, said that it is impossible that everybody except CBI knows about More's whereabouts. "If the agency wants to, it can arrest him tomorrow," he said.

The Maharashtra government has rejected all requests by the CBI to prosecute the two officers, but the court's recent stance suggests the agency may no longer need the state government's approval. The court observed that the act done by the accused was something that did not form a part of their duty.

While Ghule retired from police service on May 31, More is attached to the Nagpur police commissioner's office.

A case with too many twists and turns

The 2008 Malegaon blasts case has seen quite a few twists and turns. The ATS filed a charge sheet against all the accused in 2009 including Pragya Thakur and Lt. Col. Purohit.

The case, however, was transferred to the NIA in 2011. Over four years after taking over the case, the NIA filed a supplementary charge sheet in May this year exonerating the accused of MCOCA, discharging a few others, virtually exonerating Pragya Thakur and diluting the case against Purohit.

This was based mainly on further investigation of the same witnesses whose statements were recorded by the ATS. This was preceded by statements of those witnesses going missing from the Special MCOCA court.

The court, however, while rejecting Pragya's bail application on June 28 censured the NIA for not probing her and for recording the statements of witnesses again. The court observed there were reasonable grounds to believe that the charges against her were prima facie true.

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Civil code move is aimed at polarisation: AIMPLB - By Nistula Heddar - The Hindu

http://www.thehindu.com/news/national/civil-code-move-is-aimed-at-polarisation-aimplb/article8801704.ece

Civil code move is aimed at polarisation: AIMPLB

·         NISTULA HEBBAR

i

The All India Muslim Personal Law Board (AIMPLB) will be convening a meeting, soon after the festival of Eid next week, to formulate a response to the Law Ministry’s move to ask the Law Commission to look into the issue of a Uniform Civil Code (UCC).

AIMPLB member Kamal Faruqui told The Hindu that while the Board will be deposing before the Law Commission on the matter, he was convinced that the upcoming Uttar Pradesh Assembly polls had sparked off the current move on one of the core ideological issues of the BJP.

Dividing voters

“The BJP is trying to make it seem as though there is a strong case of gender justice behind this move, but that is not so. The move is clearly aimed at the Uttar Pradesh elections, to polarise voters on communal lines,” he said.

“Despite the Muslim Personal Law, those wanting to avail the protections of the civil laws governing marriage can do so under the Special Marriages Act and also have the protection of other laws pertaining to protection of women like section 498A that protects women against demands for dowry, torture etc,” he said.

“Now to cite a Supreme Court comment on UCC, made eight months ago, to debate the issue is suspect. The government behaved more than circumspectly when it came to the practice of Santhara (voluntary death through fasting followed by the Jain community) when the Rajasthan High Court termed it suicide. There is a double standard in dealing with matters of faith by this government,” he said.

The Supreme Court is still hearing the case on Santhara, after it stayed the Rajasthan high court order deeming the practice as suicide.

Union Law Minister D.V. Sadananda Gowda and Minority Affairs Minister Mukhtar Abbas Naqvi refused to comment on Mr. Faruqui’s charges.

“We have written to the Law Commission to examine all aspects of the matter, and that is all I am prepared to say this point,” Mr Gowda told The Hindu from Bengaluru.

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