Wednesday, October 24, 2012

Yash Chopra: A Socio-Political Reading - By Amaresh Misra


            Yash Chopra:  A Socio-Political Reading
                                         
                                                 By Amaresh Misra

The Contemporary Background
           
          During the re-making of the Hrithik Roshan starrer `Agneepath’, filmmaker Karan Johar made a startling revelation: that the movie, originally produced by his father and directed by Mukul Anand with Amitabh Bachchan in 1989, was too violent for him to direct.   Known for making candy floss, Mills and Boons marka `romantic’ films (`Kuch Kuch Hota Hai’, `Kabhi Kushi Kabhee Gum’, `Student of the Year’), Karan Johar is part of the breed of directors who emerged in post-liberalisation India in the 1990s with the uncannily aggressive—but softer than tissue—feel—that ended the era of underdog violence—reflected by the angry young man icon—in Hindi-Urdu cinema.

Why is the afore-mentioned instance relevant to a Yash Chopra obituary? Because Karan Johra regards the Yashraj genre of filmmaking his primary inspiration—by this, it is obvious that Johar restricts Yash Chopra’s legacy to so-called romantic and social films. But Yash Chopra was larger than life. He made huge romantic spectacles—and he also directed `Deewar’ and `Trishul’, the two films that provided a new dimension to the subterranean confrontational spirit, apparent in the angry young man.

It is not easy to assess Yash Chopra. If BR Chopra, his equally prolific and good filmmaker elder brother, symbolized the pro-Urdu, secular spirit of the Nehruvian era, Yash Chopra represented truly, the nuances of the Indira Gandhi period. Yash Chopra was a centrist. But like the works of Balzac—the classic French novelist—a political reactionary—who revealed more about capitalist decadence than any official Marxist—Yash Chopra’s films—more than movies made by art filmmakers—echo his times. 
  
 Yash Chopra was a master at combining opposites. Even his romantic films carry social and class contradictions that never get resolved. They are simply, great social documents.

Right Wing Shift in Indian Cinema 

  For many of us who belong to the pro-underdog, belligerent, `Sholay’ generation, the rise of Suraj Barjatya, Aditya Chopra, Sanjay Leela Bhansali, Karan Johar, and several others in their vein, still signify a hidden political agenda. This was a cinema that made the overseas market look more important than the home one; in its stories of rich NRIs, plush houses and  plastic, semi-westernized `beautiful people’, there was no place for dirt, grime, hardboiled action, the working class hero, the earthy, curvaceous Indian beauty, or even the sophisticated glamour of yore.

Especially in the films of Sooraj Barjatya and Karan Johar,  the landscape did not reflect even the average Indian cinema reality—family replaced the individuality, displays of jewellery replaced human stories of flesh and blood, mush replaced romance, conservatism replaced liberalism,  masochism replaced machismo, surrender to status quo replaced rebellion, homogeneity of culture replaced celebration of plurality, garishly decorated bungalows—with a vapid, neo-rich, quasi-feudal, quasi-colonial reactionary atmosphere—replaced the smells and sounds of slums, middle class homes, sons of the soil, patriotic villages and the Indo-Muslim—or Anglo-Indian—havelis and bungalows—of the traditional elite. Furthermore, soft, infantile sentiments and tears replaced intense, adult emotions; ritualistic wedding music replaced classical and post-classical, original, Indian harmonies of pain, love and longing; soft Hindutva replaced secularism; locales in US and Europe replaced indigenous, regional/local contexts. More importantly, the Muslim social—a genre in its own right till the 1980s—disappeared without a trace. Worse, even the sympathetic Muslim character—an essential ingredient of the average nationalist/patriotic or ordinary Hindi-Urdu film—simply vanished—or was replaced—by the Muslim terrorist villain.

Needless to add, in this unreal cinema of the 1990s, phirangs and phirang assessments ruled the roost. Weak, pliable and squeamish values replaced Pan-Indian—Hindi-Urdu belt and South Indian—notions of masculinity—that formerly—constituted the mainstream.        

The Underdog Centric Upsurge of the 1970s

 After going through the elite/middle class fury against old generation values and the corrupt, unfeeling, criminal elite in the 1970s—the note of anger and mutiny—evident in Hindi-Urdu films from the late 1960s onwards—went on to assume—by the 1980s—the form of an anti-system upheaval. In 1983, Amitabh Bachchan played a working class hero—raised in a Muslim household—celebrating composite Hindu-Muslim-Sufi symbols—in  Manmohan Desai’s `Coolie’—a  super hit film. In society and politics, this was the militant trade union/communist/Dutta Samanta era. It was also around this time that the anti-Muslim, anti-working class lobby in Mumbai woke up. Meetings of cinema personalities—boycotted by secular artistes/stars like Devanand—were arranged with Bal Thackarey—the ultimate strike breaker, anti-working class, and anti-Muslim, figure, of Mumbai. If you watch `Cradle will Rock’, a 1999, Hollywood film based on a true story (http://www.imdb.com/title/tt0150216/), you can see how Rockfeller and other US industrialists and giants of finance capitalism literally sat around a table and decided to sponsor the abstract art movement in the west in order to counter the subversive, working class tendencies of Cubism and other trends of modernist art. 
                
In India, the 1990s thus represented a classic U turn—a betrayal entrenched in class, caste, ideology and notions of taste—made by pro-urban, pro-bania, pro-NRI sections—unleashed by the liberalisation drive—that dominated society—and Hindi-Urdu cinema—by default. These forces did not just overhaul the working or the lower middle class ethos in films. They came down hard on the pre-liberalisation elite—represented by Jawahar Lal Nehru and the communist/Left team of Indira Gandhi—that used revenge, Urdu poetry, and anti-rich anger, as tools, to set a mainstream, secular/composite, pro-poor, Left-of-centre socio-political schedule into motion.

The `Bollywood’ Conspiracy

  On hindsight, the term Bollywood—criticized heavily by Amitabh Bachchan—the hero of the pre-mush era—clearly seems part of this anti-underdog, anti-Urdu politics. Before 1991, no one had even heard of Bollywood. A cinema which always prided itself on its different/eastern style of narrative, aesthetics and mood, was now being marketed in the west as some sort of an extended VHS footage with twists and turns of a Bania-Gujarati-Marwari wedding.

It is another matter—that even as squishy songs celebrating re-invented (for the neo-rich) Gujarati melodies—played out in a Sanjay Leela Bansali or a Karan Johar film—Muslim houses were being burned—men killed and women raped—and Indian working and middle class soldiers of all faiths were dying in hundreds in the remote, hilly, frigid battlefields of Kargil. No one ever thought of making a film on these hardboiled issues. Far away from the cushy, comfortable world of these films, Adivasis and Left activists of all faiths were being killed in fake Police encounters. The fact remains that behind the turn towards the `sab kuch achcha hai, sub kuch meetha hai, sub kuch theek hai’ idiom in Hindi-Urdu cinema, lies the story of a whole, ugly, Nazi style/fascist, right-wing shift of Indian society.

Yash Chopra’s Trajectory

It is here that Yash Chopra struck a different note.  Even in the late 1950s—Chopra—in early films like `Dhool Ka Phool’ (1959) and `Dharmaputra’ (1961)—celebrated Hindu-Muslim unity and composite culture. In `Dharmaputra’ Chopra went as far as presenting the only critique of what we know now as Hindutva fundamentalism; with a RSS style hero—actually the illegitimate son of a Muslim couple raised by a compassionate Hindu family during the pre-Independence days of composite culture—played by Shashi Kapoor—gunning for Muslim blood in a puritan frenzy during the partition days—as its centre-piece—`Dharmaputra’ is simply, too radical a subject. Today, it cannot be said with certainty that even ideologically committed filmmakers would touch say, a subject involving RSS type terrorism unearthed by Hemant Karkare (something which can be seen as a contemporary corollary to the kind of hate and intolerance depicted during the days when Chopra made `Dharmaputra’).

  `Dharmaputra’ generated controversy and violent protests from the far-right. In the mid-1960s—at a time when the post-Independence consensus of an alliance between classes was giving way to violent class conflicts that would change Indian polity for all times to come—Chopra re-introduced the concept of class in the making and unmaking of love and destinies. Earlier, in the late 1950s and early 1960s, Shammi Kapoor’s apolitical, pro-rich romances had obliterated all traces of class. Besides inaugurating the trend of multi starrers, Chopra’s `Waqt’ (1965), redefined romance as a stylish emotion carrying the vicissitudes of fate, class to class relations—in this,  a poor boy’s shy missives to his rich girlfriend gets strangled from within. `Waqt’ also brought into focus the behavioural aspect of class; the pain a man—raised in a rich household—undergoes after learning of his original orphan status in which his foster parents found him—as he prepares himself—to give up his rich fiancée—voluntarily.
        
 After `Waqt’, Yash Chopra made `Aadmi aur Insaan’ and `Ittefaq’—the latter, a nerve racking, song-less thriller; earlier, in the 1960s, BR Chopra, Yash Chopra’s elder brother, made the highly successful `Kanoon’, another suspense drama without songs.

Deewar and After 

By the 1970s, Yash Chopra set up his own banner. `Daag’, his first film as a producer, tackles issues of bigamy and compromises a man has to make in order to shed the burden of past—and to come to grips with the often numbing, varied faces of love; seen today, `Daag’—termed a romantic film—overturns the very idea of a Mills and Boons romance. 
  
 Soon, Yash Chopra—in Deewar (1975), Kabhie Kabhie (1976), Trishul (1978), Kala Patthar (1980), Silsila (1981)—the films he made one after the other in a tumultuous era of Indian politics—took head on the challenge of exploring the various/multiple/darker shades of the angry young man. `Deewar’ can be seen more, as a Salim-Javed script than a Yash Chopra film. Here, Amitabh Bachchan’s anger transcends the status-quo—it becomes a weapon for the underdog to enter the big game, make money and live a good life before tragedy—and the strange, idealistic values of a society bound by dated duty, law and rigid morals (a semi-feudal society were notions of good and bad, right and wrong stand twisted in cinematic subtext)—strikes him down. Played by Parveen Babi, Amitabh Bachchan’s lover too originates from the lower depths of society. The 1970s were perhaps the only time when the woman from the wrong sides of the track—the prostitute—or the call girl—a word that could have appeared only in those morally ambiguous times—was shown without pity—as an individual in her own right—capable of making or breaking decisions. The absence of maudlin drama was a product of Salim-Javed’s astoundingly encrusted and well-heeled writing. But Yash Chopra’s filming of Parveen Babi’s first encounter with Amitabh—at a time when Amitabh’s character—originally a Bombay dockyard coolie—has literally put his life on the line  to rise as a cool, handsome, well-dressed gangster—and Parveen Babi’s character—with the famous `I am falling in love with a stranger’ song—playing tenderly and tantalisingly—in the background—a minute ago—saves him accidentally—through the 786 number—considered auspicious by Muslims—badge—which Amitabh’s Hindu character carries—from his coolie days—is the stuff of legends. Danger, glamour, the threat of betrayal, inherent everyday secularism of Hindus and Muslims of India, sexual undercurrents, baritone of the base guitar, the elusively posh words from female lips, come together to create perhaps, the most modern of all scenes in Indian cinema as a whole.
                       
Chopra followed `Deewar’, with `Trishul’—in which an `illegitimate’ son seeks revenge—in another unforgettable piece of writing from Salim-Javed—the script writers of this film as well—on his `illegitimate’ father. To achieve his goal, Amitabh Bachchan’s character is willing to go to any length, even trying to woo with cold but intense, brooding detachment his stepbrother’s fiancée. In this moment of cinema, Amitabh’s character crosses the line reserved for heroes playing negative characters in Hindi-Urdu cinema. `Trishul’ harks back to an earlier era—the films of Mehboob Khan—who showed in `Amar’ (1955)—a perfectly respectable Dilip Kumar character—engaged to a beautiful Madhubala—suddenly raping Nimmi—a village lass—without motive—in an abrupt moment of passion, heat and desire. It is at this point that you finally realize that Chopra knew men. And he knew that like any passion, revenge too carries a darker side.
   
After `Trishul’, Chopra explored Amitabh’s dark side even in `Kabhie Kabhie’, perhaps one of the best romantic films of the 1970s. Starting as a poet, Amitabh’s character turns his passion into a brooding, self inflicted drive of pain and outburst, with vengeance always lurking around in the corner.   In `Kala Patthar’, Amitabh plays an ex-naval officer turned coal mine worker; a man—much like the characters of Joseph Conrad—haunted by the burden of a past guilt—where—in a moment of weakness—he betrayed his comrades. Then in `Silsila’, Chopra extended the line of romance to bring in extra-marital issues—a forbidden topic then—with the dream cast of Amitabh playing the husband, Jaya Bhaduri the wife, and Rekha, the other woman.  

The Lamhe Moment

Chopra flirted with unconventional issues even in `Lamhe’ (1991), a film about a young girl’s obsession with an older man who once nurtured unrequited love for her late mother; unlike films today, `Lamhe’ was not a copy of a Hollywood movie—previously, Chopra made `Chandini’ (1989), that ended his post-`Kala Patthar’ dry run at the box office during the 1980s. This was a time when Chopra made films like `Mashaal’ (a critical success but a commercial failure) and `Vijay’.
   
But, and this is important, Chopra did not fall prey to the philistine mayhem of the 1990s. He made the unconventional `Darr’—that launched Shahrukh Khan—as a phenomenon in his own right—a hero with negative shades and positive potential. From DDLJ to `DON’, Shahrukh just seems to walk around the territory by Yash Chopa for him.
     
Despite containing candy floss elements, ‘Dil To Paagal Hai (DTPH)’ still retained a whiff of Chopra’s strong grounding. DTPH also introduced new age jazz dance style in Hindi-Urdu cinema.

With `Veer Zaara’ (2004)—actually a passionate cry at the lost strands of Hindu-Muslim unity dressed as a cross border romantic story of an Indian Hindu man and a Pakistani Muslim woman—Chopra appears to have come full circle. He wanted to retire. Then he thought about making one last time—`Jab Tak Hai Jaan’; this film—is ready for release. But Chopra is no more. Maybe he would have liked it this way—maybe not; not time—but his last film—which his fans and audiences have yet to see—will provide the answer.  

Monday, October 22, 2012

The World of Urdu: Babur Ki Aulad in London

The World of Urdu: Babur Ki Aulad in London: I had always wanted to watch Babur Ki Aulad. So, when a mail arrived from The Nehru Centre, London informing that Bharatiya Vidya Bhawan ...

LETTER TO THE EDITOR: British High Commissioner's interference in Indian politics



Monday, October 22, 2012

LETTER TO THE EDITOR

British High Commissioner's interference in Indian politics

It is with great sense of outrage that Indian TV audiences viewed British High Commissioner to India, in his press conference, declaring with a straight face, that Britain is not endorsing or rehabilitating Gujarat's Chief Minister Narendra Modi by the fact that it is now initiating a re-engaging of Gujarat by calling on the Chief Minister, who is widely believed to be the mastermind behind the genocidal communal riots of 2002 in the State of Gujarat.

Nine out of ten questions from the press were addressed to the High Commissioner, to find out what made the sudden decision to make a call on Modi in the wake of the coming State Assembly elections.

Does this not amount to a gross political interference in the democratic processes of sovereign state of Indian Republic?

The High Commissioner was however; very truthful and persistent that any such move is to serve the best interest of his country.

However, how does UK's best interest coincide with Indian Government's own best interest in letting a foreign ambassador make such a drastic move that for all practical purposes, will amount to an international conspiracy for regime change in India.

It is true, that if it is in the best interest of UK, it can haul African leaders to International Court of Justice for any similar wholesale slaughter of people in their respective countries. How does the crimes committed in Gujarat by state authorities through either acts of commission or omission of its duties towards its citizens, do not appear to UK, the paragon of worldwide standard bearer of Human Rights, to be a fit case for international persecution of the criminals?

Instead of issuing an international warrant against the criminals to be hauled in British courts, especially when 3 British Muslims were killed in those riots, UK's conservative government of David Cameron deems it fit to ignore crimes committed against Muslims everywhere in the world and stick to its new interpretation of the best interest of Great Britain.

After all what can be expected from those themselves alleged to have committed war crimes in Libya, Iraq and Afghanistan.

It is a great dereliction of duty by the UPA coalition government of Sonia Gandhi and Prime Minister Manmohan Gandhi, to have allowed the old colonials to come back and meddle in our internal affairs, so directly, so blatantly, so audaciously.

Imagine, a similar indiscretion by a US Ambassador visiting say West Bengal, would have unleashed a storm of protests all over the country. Why David Cameron's UK government is being treated by Sonia and Manmohan Singh with kid gloves.

Indian Government must lodge a strong protest with the UK government, fully adhering to the sentiments of its own people, requiring UK to stop all such interference in the internal affairs of Indian Republic.

Ghulam Muhammed, Mumbai
<ghulammuhammed3@gmail.com>

Sunday, October 14, 2012

Kissinger, US intelligence community endorse “World Without Israel” - By Kevin Barrett - PRESS TV

http://www.presstv.ir/detail/2012/09/30/264323/kissinger-intel-community-accept-israels-end/





Kissinger, US intelligence community endorse “World Without Israel”
Angry Palestinians in Hebron (File Photo)
Angry Palestinians in Hebron (File Photo)Henry Kissinger and sixteen American intelligence agencies agree that in the near future, Israel will no longer exist.
Angry Palestinians in Hebron (File Photo)
Sun Sep 30, 2012 5:51PM GMT
57
1652
 
90
 


By Kevin Barrett

Iran's President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad has been vilified in the Western media for daring to imagine “a world without Israel.”


But according to news reports, Henry Kissinger and sixteen American intelligence agencies agree that in the near future, Israel will no longer exist.


The New York Post
quotes Kissinger “word for word”: In 10 years, there will be no more Israel.

Kissinger's statement is flat and unqualified. He is not saying that Israel is in danger, but could be saved if we just gave it additional trillions of dollars and smashed enough of its enemies with our military. He is not saying that if we elect Netanyahu's old friend Mitt Romney, Israel could somehow be salvaged. He is not saying that if we bomb Iran, Israel might survive. He is not offering a way out. He is simply stating a fact: In 2022, Israel will no longer exist.


The US Intelligence Community agrees, though perhaps not on the precise 2022 expiration date. Sixteen US intelligence agencies with a combined budget over USD70 billion have issued an 82-page analysis titled “
Preparing for a Post-Israel Middle East.”

The US intelligence report observes that the 700,000 Israeli settlers illegally squatting on land stolen in 1967 - land that the entire world agrees belongs to Palestine, not Israel - are not going to pack up and leave peacefully. Since the world will never accept their ongoing presence on stolen land, Israel is like South Africa in the late 1980s.


The extremist Likud coalition governing Israel, according to the US intelligence report, is increasingly condoning and supporting rampant violence and lawlessness by illegal settlers. The report states that the brutality and criminality of the settlers, and the growing apartheid-style infrastructure including the apartheid wall and the ever-more-draconian system of checkpoints, are indefensible, unsustainable, and out of synch with American values.


The sixteen US intelligence agencies agree that Israel cannot withstand the coming pro-Palestinian juggernaut consisting of the Arab Spring, the Islamic Awakening, and the rise of the Islamic Republic of Iran.

In the past, dictatorships in the region kept a lid on the pro-Palestinian aspirations of their people. But those dictatorships began to topple with the fall of the pro-Israel Shah of Iran in 1979 and the establishment of a democratic Islamic Republic, whose government had little choice but to reflect its people's opposition to Israel. The same process - the overthrow of dictators who worked with, or at least tolerated, Israel - is now accelerating throughout the region. The result will be governments that are more democratic, more Islamic, and far less friendly to Israel.

The US intelligence community report says that in light of these realities, the US government simply no longer has the military and financial resources to continue propping up Israel against the wishes of more than a billion of its neighbors. In order to normalize relations with 57 Islamic countries, the report suggests, the US will have to follow its own national interests and pull the plug on Israel.

Interestingly, neither Henry Kissinger nor the authors of the US Intelligence Report give any sign that they are going to mourn the demise of Israel. This is remarkable, given that Kissinger is Jewish and has always been viewed as a friend (if occasionally a tough friend) of Israel, and that all Americans, including those who work for intelligence agencies, have been influenced by the strongly pro-Israel media.


What explains such complacency?


Americans who pay attention to international affairs - a category that surely includes Kissinger and the authors of the Intelligence Report - are growing fed up with Israeli intransigence and fanaticism. Netanyahu's bizarre, widely-ridiculed performance at the United Nations, where he brandished a cartoonish caricature of a bomb in such a way that he himself came across as a caricature of a “mad Zionist,” was the latest in a series of gaffes by Israeli leaders who seem prone to overplaying their hand.


A second factor is the festering resentment many Americans feel over the Israel Lobby's imperious domination of public discourse. Every time a well-known American journalist is fired for going “off-script” about Israel, as happened to Helen Thomas and Rick Sanchez, a mostly-invisible backlash, like a tidal wave rippling beneath the surface of the ocean, grows in power. And every time the Israel lobby slaps down someone like Maureen Dowd, who recently observed that the same Israel-fanatics who dragged the US into the Iraq war are now trying to do the same thing with Iran, the more people begin to wake up and realize that people like Dowd, Thomas, and Sanchez are speaking the truth.


A third reason for complacency in the face of Israel's impending demise: The American Jewish community is no longer united in support of Israel, much less its Likudnik leadership. Sophisticated Jewish journalists and analysts like Philip Weiss are recognizing the insanity of Israel's current leadership and the hopelessness of its predicament. According to recent reports, it is no longer fashionable among young American Jews to care about Israel. And despite Netanyahu's frantic attempts to sway Jewish voters toward the Mormon Likudnik Mitt Romney, polls show that Obama, who is on record saying he “hates” the “liar” Netanyahu, will easily win the majority of Jewish votes.


Finally, we come to the least obvious - but most powerful - reason for Kissinger's and the CIA's complacency in the face of Israel's implosion: The inexorable trickle-down of knowledge that Israel and its supporters, not radical Muslims, carried out the 9/11 false-flag attacks.

Increasingly, it is not fringe anti-Semitic groups, but high-level responsible observers, who are saying this. Alan Sabrosky, the half-Jewish former Director of Strategic Studies at the US Army War College, has come on my radio show to say that he has discussed with his colleagues the “100% certainty” that Israel and its supporters did 9/11. And Alan Hart, the former lead BBC correspondent for the Middle East (and personal friend of Golda Meir and Yasser Arafat) has also come on my radio show to break the story that he, too, knows that Israel and company orchestrated 9/11.

Today, we even have a presidential candidate, Merlin Miller, who is on the record stating that Israel, not al-Qaeda, carried out the 9/11 attacks.

The chief purpose of 9/11 was to “seal in blood” an intense, unbreakable emotional bond between the US and Israel, in a desperate bid to assure Israel's survival by launching a long-term US war against Israel's enemies. As the “dancing Israelis” arrested for celebrating the 9/11 operation tried to convince the police: “Our enemies are your enemies. The Palestinians are your enemies.”


But more and more Americans, including the US intelligence community as a whole, now recognize that the enemies of Israel (the entire Muslim world of over 1.5 billion people, along with most of the non-European world) do not have to be the enemies of the United States. In fact, the US is going broke and sacrificing thousands of lives in wars for Israel - wars that damage, rather than aid, US strategic interests. (One of those interests, of course, is buying oil and gas from stable, cooperative governments.)


As the recognition grows that 9/11 was not a radical Islamic attack, but an act of dastardly, bloody treason by supporters of Israel, it will become ever-easier for American policy makers, following in the footsteps of Kissinger and the sixteen intelligence agencies, to recognize the obvious: Israel has reached the end of its shelf-life.


KB/HGH
Dr. Kevin Barrett, a Ph.D. Arabist-Islamologist, is one of America's best-known critics of the War on Terror. Dr. Barrett has appeared many times on Fox, CNN, PBS and other broadcast outlets, and has inspired feature stories and op-eds in the New York Times, the Christian Science Monitor, the Chicago Tribune, and other leading publications. Dr. Barrett has taught at colleges and universities in San Francisco, Paris, and Wisconsin, where he ran for Congress in 2008. He currently works as a nonprofit organizer, author, and talk radio host. He is the co-founder of the Muslim-Christian-Jewish Alliance, and author of the books Truth Jihad: My Epic Struggle Against the 9/11 Big Lie (2007) and Questioning the War on Terror: A Primer for Obama Voters (2009). His website is www.truthjihad.com. More Press TV articles by Dr. Kevin Barrett

Friday, October 12, 2012

New Kid on the block - THE 'K' FACTOR - By Arati R Jerath - TOI - Crest Edition, Mumbai, India

http://www.timescrest.com/coverstory/the-k-factor-9000 The Times of India Crest Edition
 

Saturday, October 13, 2012

>  Cover Story


New kid on the block

The 'K' factor

Arati R Jerath | October 13, 2012

LIGHTS, CAMERA, ACTION: There is no denying that 'Kejri' already has the Congress and the BJP running for cover

Rookie politician Arvind Kejriwal did the unthinkable last week. He pointed an accusing finger at Gandhi family son-in-law Robert Vadra for amassing huge wealth in a short span of time through questionable deals with real estate giant DLF. As all hell broke loose, both the Congress and the BJP were left shell shocked. They were stunned, not so much by the revelations about Vadra (which have been a hot topic of political gossip for over a year now), but by Kejriwal's audacity. For, the new kid on the block had just broken the Omerta code of Indian politics: never rake muck about family members of top leaders in public. Kejriwal was unapologetic about crossing the Rubicon, the line observed by most mainstream parties, and dragging the country's first son-in-law into his line of fire. "Some people in this country are holy cows. People are scared to speak up about them, " he told Times Now. "We want to expose these holy cows so that people have the courage to talk about them. " But the political class was not amused. "There are some unwritten rules of our politics, " a senior BJP leader told TOI-Crest. (He did not want to be identified. ) "We never spare our opponents but we make it a point not to make an issue of their personal life unless there is open abuse of power. We help even opposition leaders with medical treatment, with school and college admissions. I don't want to take names but there are innumerable examples of such give and take in our politics. "

There was always something daringly different about Kejriwal. When he was outside the tent, pissing on the system through a unique social media inspired anti-corruption movement with gummy old Gandhian Anna Hazare as a mascot, he was reviled as an anarchist and anti-democratic. Now that he's inside the tent, having announced his intention to form a political party, he's still pissing on the system with wanton disregard for conventional terms of engagement. If the political establishment thought it could tame him by daring him to join electoral politics, it had clearly read him wrong. Kejriwal is the ultimate maverick, determined to break several eggs and shake things up.

Is he then the game-changer India's moribund politics has been waiting for, the piped piper who will lead the rats to their destruction with sniper shot exposes of corruption? Or is he just a flash in the pan, a rootless wonder without a base, an organization or staying power? These and other questions will be answered in the months ahead as Kejriwal kicks off his new party and challenges the established political order. But there is no denying that he already has the Congress and the BJP running for cover, the Congress because of corruption charges that lead to the very top and the BJP because it has come out looking weak, ineffectual and thoroughly compromised in the war on corruption.

It is ironic that Kejriwal's Vadra salvo should have hit both national parties equally hard, albeit in different ways. The Congress is extremely rattled, as is evident from its flip-flop defensive strategies, first sending out top ministers to defend Vadra and then withdrawing them when there was a backlash. This seemed to be Bofors Mark 2 without Rajiv Gandhi's huge majority in Parliament to buffer them.

But the BJP too is shaken. "Yes, Kejriwal has stolen our thunder. And rightly so, " admitted a party leader and strategist. Last year, the BJP had in its possession the same documents Kejriwal waved at his press conference but after an intense discussion, the leadership decided not to rake up the issue in Parliament even after submitting a motion in each House asking for a discussion. In an oblique reference to the Omerta code of silence, Sushma Swaraj is supposed to have insisted that children not be dragged into political controversy while Rajnath Singh apparently said that most political leader's offspring are involved in real estate deals.

In hindsight, as Kejriwal hogs the limelight and tickles a middle class appetite for exposes on corruption in high places, the BJP realizes that it missed an opportunity to regain a constituency it had lost to the Congress in the 2009 election. Instead of the main opposition party, the face of a yet-to-be-born party is grabbing eyeballs in urban India.

Kejriwal has two things going for him: his knack of picking up issues that resonate with middle India which is the core voter base of both national parties;and his bid to take political protest back to the streets in novel ways. The BJP opted to stall Parliament over Coalgate and battled the Congress on familiar turf. Kejriwal jumped on the graft charges against law minister Salman Khurshid and threatened to gherao Sonia Gandhi's residence till he resigns.

Or look at the way he stole the bijli agitation from under the BJP's nose. Invited to join the BJP protest against the recent electricity tariff hike in Delhi, Kejriwal took the mike and lashed out at the party for colluding with the Congress government in the capital city. BJP leader Vijay Goel, who was standing helplessly next to him, was virtually in tears. He complained later that Kejriwal was "weakening" the fight against the Congress. While Goel did the usual dharna, Kejriwal turned up at the house of labourer whose electricity meter had been disconnected due to non-payment of an inflated bill and with much fanfare, first tore up his bill and then reconnected the meter. It was a great photo op and has since become a talking point in the city.

Those who have known Kejriwal from his early years as an activist say he is terrifyingly ambitious and hugely publicity-hungry. He always wants to be in the spotlight. There is no question that Kejriwal's recent stunts have been geared to snatching as much television time as possible. But then a fledgling politician fighting big guns like the Congress and the BJP probably has to be over-the-top to be noticed. In a communications era, the name of the game is publicity.

This is just the beginning. Kejriwal has consistently maintained that his entry into politics is not about winning or losing elections. It's about changing the way politics functions in the country so that it becomes people-centric and participatory instead of top down. He has his task cut out for him. To sustain his campaign till the elections roll around, when the Kejriwal effect will be put to test, he will have to ensure that he is always one step ahead of the Congress and the BJP, that he maintains a constant flow of novel ideas and that he doesn't slip as he climbs higher. It's a gamble. If Kejriwal has the stomach and stamina, political engagement could be a whole new ball game in the future, without any holy cows and codes of silence.

Monday, October 1, 2012

When ISI became a ‘front for SIMI’ - By Muzamil Jaleel | Past the Muslim monolith - By Christophe Jaffrelot - THE INDIAN EXPRESS

The Indian Express


http://www.indianexpress.com/news/when-isi-became-a--front-for-simi-/1010126/01

When ISI became a ‘front for SIMI’

Muzamil Jaleel : New Delhi, Mon Oct 01 2012,

Maulana Naseeruddin

In the circles of police’s “SIMI investigations”, the name Maulana Naseeruddin comes up often. Sometimes he has been charged, sometimes his sons, sometimes his acquaintances. In one such case against an “associate” of his son, the Hyderabad police filed an affidavit before the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Tribunal calling Pakistan’s ISI a front of SIMI.

Asked by the tribunal to explain his claim, P Devender, then inspector in Saidabad police station, reiterated that “it is correct that in my affidavit when I referred to Inter Service Intelligence, I am referring to Inter Service Intelligence of Pakistan” and that the nodal officer of Andhra Pradesh will be “filing a secret note on the basis of which this statement has been made”.

Moutasim Billa[h]

DEVENDER’S affidavit, filed on June 11, 2010, was part of the government’s evidence to justify the continuance of the ban on SIMI. To substantiate his claim that SIMI was “functioning under various fronts like the ISI”, Devender cited a case registered in March 2008 at the Saidabad police station when he was an inspector there.

It concerned Moutasim Billa, 22, of Jevan Yar Jung Colony, Saidabad, who had been arrested on March 5, 2008, from near his residence. Devender claimed that Billa was arrested because he had been booked in an FIR (198/2007) at the Gopalapurram police station.

Devender also called him a close associate of “the son of Maulana Naseeruddin”, who is a “SIMI activist”. Naseeruddin and Billa’s father, Mohammad Aleem Islahi, are well-known clerics in Saidabad and their families used to be close then. Along with Naseeruddin’s, Islahi’s is the other address frequently at the centre of any terror investigation in Hyderabad.

At the time of Billa’s arrest, the Hyderabad police had claimed that it was in connection with two “rioting” cases registered against him, in 2004 (an incident involving the death of his brother) and in 2007 (for terror conspiracy and sedition, registered at the Gopalapurram police station). Hyderabad police had booked 21 Muslim youths including Billa for a terror conspiracy and subsequently linked them to the Mecca Masjid blasts. Billa and the other accused were acquitted on December 31, 2008. The Mecca Masjid blast case finally took a new turn after Swami Aseemanand’s confession in December 2010, which implied that these Muslim men had all been wrongly blamed. Eighty-two Muslim men had been picked up, interrogated or booked and all were subsequently acquitted.

In May this year, Billa was again named, this time in four cases of rioting and disturbance of peace, and shown as an “absconding accused”. “These recent cases were registered one after another in a single day,” said Billa, who recently earned a B Tech degree. “They have shown me as absconding, which means, ‘You can go on with your life till we want to take you away again’.”

Maulana Naseeruddin

THE 2004 rioting case against Billa, in fact, provides the context to this entire story. That October 31, Naseeruddin had gone to the DGP’s office along with his lawyer and a few other people to sign his weekly attendance, necessary because of an earlier case of communal violence. “Two months earlier, I had been arrested after police claimed I was going to plant bombs in a Ganesh temple. This absurd allegation came as a shock; I fell ill and was shifted to hospital. Our lawyer friends secured bail; this weekly attendance was a condition,” Naseeruddin said.

“That day, I reached the office late. My son-in-law Khalid, who is a lawyer, and a few others accompanied me. The CID officer who would take my signature asked me to wait, saying a senior officer wanted to talk to me.” Naseeruddin said he was taken to the IG, who told him a warrant for his arrest had come from Gujarat. A contingent of Guajarat Police led by then ACP Narendera Amin (now in jail over the murder of Sohrabuddin and Kousar Bi in a fake encounter) were waiting for Naseeruddin, “accused of a role in (former Gujarat minister) Haren Pandya’s murder”.

“People from our neighbourhood collected outside the gate,” Naseeruddin said. “They didn’t allow the Gujarat police vehicle to leave and there was a scuffle. Narendra Amin opened fire.” Mujahid Saleem, 26, Billa’s elder brother, was killed, protests followed, and the Andhra government promised a magisterial inquiry besides filing a case against Gujarat police. Police registered a case of rioting against Billa, too.

The maulana was taken to Gujarat and was initially arrested on charges of instigating Pandya’s killers, and subsequently booked in the Ahmedabad conspiracy case — an alleged conspiracy to avenge the Gujarat riots. On January 12, 2010, a designated POTA court acquitted the maulana along with others and he was released.

THE MAULANA’S SONS

“A lot had happened during those five years. My three sons had all been arrested,” Naseeruddin said. He said the two elder sons were framed but added that the youngest, without the family’s knowledge, had gone to Pakistan for arms training.

“When the Gujarat police shot Mujahid Saleem, my youngest son Raziyuddin Nasir was there. He saw Saleem die. This affected him deeply. When I was in jail in Gujarat, my wife told me he had to be taken to a psychiatrist,” Naseeruddin said. “After some time, he went for Umrah (pilgrimage to Saudi Arabia). He went missing for one-and-a-half years. 

During that time, he had gone to Pakistan for arms training. We had no clue,” he said. “We heard about him only when the Bangalore police arrested him (in 2008).”

He said his two elder sons, Maqeemuddin Yasir and Baleeguddin Jabir, were framed. “Yasir has three children and was the manager of our workshop while Jabir was a third year student at Deccan Engineering College. The police accused them of being involved in the Mecca Masjid and other blasts and arrested them, a year after the blasts,” he said. 

“They couldn’t show even a bit of evidence but didn’t release them. They were shifted to Madhya Pradesh where their names had been included in a SIMI case in Dhar. They had never been to Dhar.”

He said for the next few years, their case didn’t move. “The case was shifted to Indore where the trial concluded earlier this month; both were acquitted... This country is our home too. Why is there no justice for us?”

THE YOUNGEST SON

ON JANUARY 30, 2008, according to Satyapaa Sambha Khote, then DSP, Special Enquiry Squad, Bangalore, a youth named Mohd Asif was stopped by an inspector of Gokul Road police station, Hubli, for speeding with his motorcycle. “It was found that he did not have documents of the motorcycle. Hence the PI (inspector) seized the vehicle and filed a case,” Khote said.

Investigations allegedly revealed Asif’s “involvement” with SIMI. The police made 18 more people accused on March 20, 2008, including Raziyuddin Nasir. In the affidavit, Khote claimed that Asif, a medical student at Hubli, and two other accused had met in “Castle Rock, Haliyal Road farmhouse, and Soudatti Road Darga” in the last week of April 2008, “aimed inter-alia at Islamisation of the world by means of Jihad”. According to Khote, the three held another “conspiracy meeting” at Castle Rock in November 2007 where they decided to “damage the sovereignty of the government of India and to ignite anti-national sentiments... ultimately changing the elected sovereign government and establishing Islamic government”.

Khote went on to give a long list of their “targets” — Kaiga nuclear plant, Infosys in Bangalore, Dell, IBM etc. For this mammoth task, they were apparently armed with four country-made revolvers — three of these rusted and defunct — and homemade grenades with gelatin sticks.

Khote produced a “confessional statement” by Nasir to Karnataka police, admitting he had gone to Pakistan for arms training. In the statement, Nasir says he was disillusioned after his father’s arrest and the death of “our family friend” Mujahid Saleem during the protest. Nasir was later booked in the 2008 Ahmedabad blasts case and is currently in Sabarmati jail in Gujarat.

THE WOMEN

In his affidavit filed on June 11, 2010, inspector Devender said that after Billa’s arrest on March 5, 2008, the women of Billa’s family — whom Devender calls “SIMI support militant ladies” — led by Billa’s sister Huma Islahi and Maulana Naseeruddin’s wife Tasneem Fatima had “attacked” the police station. Thirty women and children were rounded up in March 2008, including one with her seven-year-old daughter. Seven of them were students, 15 aged 19. Nine of the women were sent by the court for age determination tests to check if they were minors.

While most of the women were from Billa’s family or his neighbours and there was nothing to link them to SIMI, the affidavit called it a “rare case in entire India where SIMI militant activists organised their lady activists and... assaulted police”. Devender admitted that investigation records do not show these women as SIMI members. “This is as per my knowledge while working in the department and as per intelligence sources,” he said.

-----  -----  -----  -----  -----

http://www.indianexpress.com/news/past-the-muslim-monolith/1010091/0

Past the Muslim monolith

What, exactly, unites Indian Muslims and what divides them?


Christophe Jaffrelot
: Mon Oct 01 2012, 23:55 hrs


What, exactly, unites Indian Muslims and what divides them?

The Sachar Commission Report compared the situation of Muslims of India at the state level, but the next step is to disaggregate a community that has often been considered a homogenous whole. In the volume Muslims in Indian Cities, which I co-edited with Laurent Gayer, we offer a dozen local case studies. We analyse the socio-economic condition of the Muslims in 11 cities and examine how their neighbourhoods are structured — and how they relate to the rest of Ahmedabad, Aligarh, Bangalore, Bhopal, Calicut, Cuttack, Delhi, Hyderabad, Jaipur, Lucknow and Mumbai.

National statistics show that Muslims are over-represented in towns and cities: 35.7 per cent of them lived in urban areas, while the urbanisation rate was only 28 per cent on average in 2001, according to the census. This harks back to the Muslim origin of many Indian cities — as their very names suggest, Ahmedabad, Ahmednagar, Aligarh, Allahabad, Aurangabad, Hyderabad, etc. But statistics also say that Muslims are over-represented among the poor: 37 per cent of the urban Muslims live below the poverty line, against 27 per cent of the rural Muslims — against, respectively, 22 and 28 per cent of Hindus. Why? Because, according to the Sachar Committee report, 8 per cent of urban Muslims are part of the formal sector whereas the national average is 21 per cent for Indian city and town dwellers.

These aggregates conceal a wide range of trajectories. In the cities that were capitals of princely states, like Bhopal and Hyderabad, decline started at the time of Partition and even more after the merger with the Indian Union, which deprived the local Muslim minorities of their old privileges. In eastern and southern cities where communalism has been less pronounced, socio-economic standards remained better (partly because of the Gulf connection, sometimes) and urban patterns were overdetermined more by class and caste than by religion.

The nostalgia for the composite culture of the Indian city, expressed with formulas such as mili juli, mushtarka, ganga-jamna tahzib, etc, is often misplaced because Indian cities have always been structured along ethnic lines. However, it still makes sense because many old/walled cities were like mosaics with a lane dominated by a single caste or community was adjacent to those dominated by others.

This pattern is eroding for two reasons. First, religious groups tend to promote homogeneity and, therefore, (self-)segregation. Which means that members of a given community prefer to live with each other and exclude the Other from their neighbourhood. They do not want to be minorities in localities and be exposed to the influence of another religion or have their children exposed to this influence. Nor do they wish to have members of the other community in their midst, so that their lifestyle, food habits, etc, are not affected by the others.

Second, in western and northern India, communal violence, unprecedented between the late 1980s and 2002, has led Muslims to leave the pockets where they were living next to the Other, and seek safe havens. This process has sometimes taken the form of ghettoisation. In our book, we use the word ghetto — that has acquired a loose meaning in common parlance — in a very specific manner to designate a place (1) where members of a community gather together irrespective of their class, for safety, (2) where the state has withdrawn and (3) which is badly connected to the rest of the city. Juhapura, at the periphery of Ahmedabad, is a case in point, with its 4 lakh-plus inhabitants. After the 2002 pogrom which affected Muslim pockets (including middle class ones, see Gulberg Society), rich Muslims moved in there as well. This has been something of a blessing in disguise for the locals since the newcomers have started to develop the place, including in terms of education, which rich and poor long for.

Other Muslim slums have not benefited from this inflow. In Aligarh, the class and caste divide between Sir Syed Nagar and Shah Mahal forms an invisible wall. In fact, the Muslim community, when it does not have to cope with an existential threat, is no less divided than any other. In most of the cities under review, caste and class over-determine the range of social networks. And sometimes, sectarian affiliations make things even more complicated. Bhoras and Khojas in the West and Shias and Sunnis in Lucknow will not relate to each others as co-religionists, far from it.

Politicians sometimes form a class of exploiters in themselves. In many of the cities under review, Muslims dominated assembly constituencies, making them safe seats for Muslims candidates. Few of them — mostly nominated by the Congress — have addressed problems of development, including education, during the election campaigns. They preferred to surf on identity issues, like the management of the Waqf properties. These problems are less difficult to solve, and so long as the local Muslims are in a precarious socio-economic situation, they are bound to need “saviours” and form votebanks.

This state of affairs, along with the fact that they have not found many jobs in the PSUs and the administration, partly explains why many middle-class Muslims members told us that they expected some improvement of their situation from the withdrawal of the state. 

Whether they will benefit from a more market-oriented economy remains to be seen.


Jaffrelot, co-editor of ‘Muslims in Indian Cities’, is a senior research fellow at CERI, Sciences Po, Paris and professor of Indian politics and society at the King’s India Institute, London

express@expressindia.com

Waiting for an Arab Spring of Ideas - By TARIQ RAMADAN - The New York Times

http://www.nytimes.com/2012/10/01/opinion/waiting-for-an-arab-spring-of-ideas.html?emc=tnt&tntemail1=y&_r=0&pagewanted=all

New York Times


Op-Ed Contributor

Waiting for an Arab Spring of Ideas

By TARIQ RAMADAN
Published: September 30, 2012
  • Facebook
  • Twitter
  • Google+
  • E-mail
  • Share


  • London

DURING a recent visit to the United States, I was asked by intellectuals and journalists: Were we misled, during the Arab awakening, into thinking that Muslims could actually embrace democratic ideals?

The short answer is no. Participants in the recent violent demonstrations over an Islamophobic video were a tiny minority. Their violence was unacceptable. They do not represent the millions of Muslims who have taken to the streets since 2010 in a disciplined, nonviolent manner to bring down dictatorships.

Many Americans were nonetheless shocked by the chaos and bloodshed across Muslim countries, believing that they had come generously to the aid of the Arab peoples during the uprisings. But Arabs, and Muslims in general, have a longer memory and a broader view. Their mistrust is fueled by America’s decades-long support for dictators who accommodated its economic and security interests; by the invasions of Iraq and Afghanistan; by the humiliating treatment of prisoners at Abu Ghraib and Guantánamo Bay; and by America’s seemingly permanent and unconditional support for Israel.

The United States and its European allies would be well advised to examine why Muslims are seething. Withdrawing from Afghanistan, respecting United Nations resolutions and treaty obligations with regard to Palestine, calling back the killer drones and winding up the “war on terror” would be excellent places to start.

However, the time has come to stop blaming the West for the colonialism and imperialism of the past. Muslim-majority societies must jettison their historic posture as victims and accept that they are empowered actors, as millions of Arabs demonstrated last year by coming out into the streets and changing the course of history.

The timeworn dichotomy of “Islam versus the West” is giving way to an era of multipolar relations. The world’s economic center of gravity is shifting eastward. But the growing prominence of China, India and Russia, and of emerging powers like Brazil, South Africa and Turkey, does not automatically guarantee more justice and more democracy. Some Muslims are too quick to rejoice at the decline of American power. They seem unaware that what might replace it could well lead to a regression in social and human rights and to new forms of international dependency.

The Arab peoples, like those throughout Latin America, Africa and Asia, cannot, and do not want to, disregard the cultural and religious traditions that have long defined and nurtured them. As they pursue values like freedom, justice, equality, autonomy and pluralism, and new models of democracy and of international relations, they need to draw on Islamic traditions. Islam can be a fertile ground for political creativity — and not an obstacle to progress, as Orientalist thinkers in the West have so often claimed.

The Arab world, and Muslim-majority societies, need not only political uprisings, but also a thoroughgoing intellectual revolution from within that will open the door to economic change; to spiritual, religious, cultural and artistic liberation; and to the empowerment of women. The task is not an easy one.

A struggle for political and religious authority is taking place in these societies. There are deep divisions among Sunnis — traditionalists, secularists, reformers, Sufi mystics — and also between Sunnis and Shiites.

At the moment, Arab thought has been hindered by a barren ideological construct that pits secularists against Islamists, making it impossible for either to indulge in in-depth reflection about the intellectual limitations that afflict both of them.

Westernized secular elites, for all their talk of democracy and human rights, often are carrying over former colonial agendas and are deeply disconnected from the people they claim to represent. Or if they aren’t — like some grass-roots movements on the left — their influence is marginal at best. Some have collaborated with dictators, accepted cronyism or benefited from official corruption. Others have remained close to the inner circles of the military (as in Egypt, Tunisia, Syria and Iraq). By standing against any overlapping of religion and politics, they have put forward a vision of democratization that is incoherent and disconnected from Islamic memories and traditions.

The Islamists have legitimacy, having paid a heavy price in opposing dictatorships for decades. They have made electoral gains in Morocco, Egypt and Tunisia by adapting to the shifts in power brought about by the protesters and cyberactivists. Yet they are facing contradictory expectations: they must remain faithful to their Islamic credentials while facing foreign pressure with regard to democratic processes, economic policies and relations with Israel. No figure embodies these contradictions more than Mohamed Morsi, Egypt’s new president, who tried last week to forcefully rebut President Obama’s absolute defense of free speech at the United Nations. But calling for limits on offensive speech is no solution. We don’t need more laws. We need courageous scholars and intellectuals who are willing to discuss topics their fellow Muslims don’t want to hear: their failings, their tendency to play the victim, the need to take responsibility for their actions. Only that sort of leadership will halt the tide of religious populism and emotionally driven blindness of the masses.

While the example of Turkey’s ruling Justice and Development Party, known as the A.K.P., is interesting, it cannot be a reference for the entire Middle East. Turkey has a unique history; its challenges are not the same as those of the Arab world. The Arab Islamists, even as they celebrate their electoral successes, may well be entering a far more sensitive period of their history. They may lose the Islamic credibility they had as opposition forces, or be obliged to change and adapt so much that their political program is abandoned. Winning might be the beginning of losing.

Meanwhile, Salafi and Wahhabi groups with literalist interpretations of Islam have become more visible and politicized over the last five years. Having for decades refused political participation — equating democracy with kufr (rejection of Islam) — they are now slowly engaging in politics.

Some of these groups (known as salafi jihadists) have turned to violent radicalism. Others, financed by Islamic institutions in Saudi Arabia and Persian Gulf oil monarchies like Qatar and Bahrain — supposed allies of the United States — have entered mainstream politics, where they promote a religious, anti-democratic populism that plays on emotions, demonizes the West (especially America) and actively undermines the struggle for democratic reform. There is a danger that the model of Afghanistan — where in the 1980s the Taliban, supported by the Saudi and American governments, became the main force of resistance to Russian domination — may be repeating itself.

There can be no true democracy in the Middle East without a profound restructuring of economic priorities, which in turn can come about only by combating corruption, limiting the prerogatives of the military, and, above all, reconsidering economic relations with other countries and the gross inequalities of wealth and income within Muslim countries. The emergence of a dynamic civil society is a precondition of success. Concern for free and critical thought must take the form of educational policies to build schools and universities, revise outdated curriculums and enable women to study, work and become financially independent.

The Arab world has shaken itself out of its lethargy after decades of apparent resignation and silence. But the uprisings do not yet amount to a revolution. The Arab world must confront its historical demons and tackle its infirmities and its contradictions: when it turns to the task, the awakening will truly have begun.

Tariq Ramadan, professor of contemporary Islamic studies at Oxford University, is the author, most recently, of “Islam and the Arab Awakening.”