Wednesday, May 2, 2012

Maulana Abul Kalaam Azad - THE MAN WHO KNEW THE FUTURE -



Niloufer Bhagwat nilouferin@vsnl.net
12:01 PM (43 minutes ago)

to ial, Faizi, humanrights-mo.
 
----- Original Message -----
Sent: Tuesday, May 01, 2012 2:59 PM
Subject: Maulana Azad interview-- worth reading and reflecting
 
Maulana Azad interview-- worth reading and reflecting
This invaluable document has been resurrected and translated by former Indian union minister Arif Mohammad Khan for Covert Magazine. The redoubtable Maulana’s predictions about what would happen if Pakistan  was  created, have come so uncannily true that they almost read like newspaper headlines.

 
THE MAN WHO KNEW THE FUTURE
 
by Shorish Kashmiri, Matbooat Chattan, Lahore

Congress president Maulana Abul Kalam Azad gave the following
interview to journalist Shorish Kashmiri for a Lahore based Urdu
magazine, Chattan, in April 1946. It was a time when the Cabinet Mission was holding its proceedings in Delhi and Simla. Azad made some startling predictions during the course of the interview, saying that religious conflict would tear apart Pakistan and its eastern half would carve out its own future. He even said that Pakistan’s incompetent rulers might pave the way for military rule. According to Shorish Kashmiri, Azad had earmarked the early hours of the morning for him and the interview was conducted over a period of two weeks. This interview has not been published in any book so far — neither in the Azad centenary volumes nor in any other book comprising his writing or speeches — except for Kashmiri’s own book Abul Kalam Azad, which was printed only once by Matbooat Chattan Lahore, a now-defunct publishing house. Former Union
Cabinet Minister Arif Mohammed Khan discovered the book after searching for many years and translated the interview for COVERT

Q: The Hindu Muslim dispute has become so acute that it has
foreclosed any possibility of reconciliation. Don’t you think that in
this situation the birth of Pakistan has become inevitable?
 
A: If Pakistan were the solution of Hindu Muslim problem, then I
would have extended my support to it. A section of Hindu opinion is now turning in its favour. By conceding NWFP, Sind, Balochistan and half of Punjab on one side and half of Bengal on the other, they think they will get the rest of India — a huge country that would be free from any claims of communal nature. If we use the Muslim League terminology, this new India will be a Hindu state both practically and temperamentally.
 
This will not happen as a result of any conscious decision, but will be a logical consequence of its social realities. How can you expect a society that consists 90% of Hindus, who have lived with their ethos and values since prehistoric times, to grow differently? The factors that laid the foundation of Islam in Indian society and created a powerful following have become victim of the politics of partition. The communal hatred it has generated has completely extinguished all possibilities of spreading and preaching Islam. This communal politics has hurt the religion beyond measure. Muslims have turned away from the Quran. If they had taken their lessons from the Quran and the life of the Holy Prophet and had not forged communal politics in the name of religion then Islam’s growth would not have halted. By the time of the decline of the Mughal rule, the Muslims in India were a little over 22.5 million, that is about 65% of the present numbers. Since then the numbers kept
increasing. If the Muslim politicians had not used the offensive
language that embittered communal relations, and the other section
acting as agents of British interests had not worked to widen the
Hindu-Muslim breach, the number of Muslims in India would have grown higher. The political disputes we created in the name of religion have projected Islam as an instrument of political power and not what it is — a value system meant for the transformation of human soul. Under British influence, we turned Islam into a confined system, and following in the footsteps of other communities like Jews, Parsis and Hindus we transformed ourselves into a hereditary community. The Indian Muslims have frozen Islam and its message and divided themselves into many sects. Some sects were clearly born at the instance of colonial power.
 
Consequently, these sects became devoid of all movement and dynamism and lost faith in Islamic values. The hallmark of Muslim existence was striving and now the very term is strange to them. Surely they are Muslims, but they follow their own whims and desires. In fact now they easily submit to political power, not to Islamic values. They prefer the religion of politics not the religion of the Quran. Pakistan is a political standpoint. Regardless of the fact whether it is the right solution to the problems of Indian Muslims, it is being demanded in the name of Islam. The question is when and where Islam provided for division of territories to settle populations on the basis of belief and unbelief. Does this find any sanction in the Quran or the traditions of the Holy Prophet? Who among the scholars of Islam has divided the dominion of God on this basis? If we accept this division in principle, how shall we reconcile it with Islam as a universal system? How shall we
explain the ever growing Muslim presence in non-Muslim lands including India? Do they realise that if Islam had approved this principle then it would not have permitted its followers to go to the non-Muslim lands and many ancestors of the supporters of Pakistan would not have had even entered the fold of Islam? Division of territories on the basis of religion is a contraption devised by Muslim League. They can pursue it as their political agenda, but it finds no sanction in Islam or Quran. What is the cherished goal of a devout Muslim? Spreading the light of Islam or dividing territories along religious lines to pursue political ambitions? The demand for Pakistan has not benefited Muslims in any manner. How Pakistan can benefit Islam is a moot question and will largely depend on the kind of leadership it gets. The impact of western thought and philosophy has made the crisis more serious. The way the
leadership of Muslim League is conducting itself will ensure that Islam will become a rare commodity in Pakistan and Muslims in India. This is a surmise and God alone knows what is in the womb of future. Pakistan, when it comes into existence, will face conflicts of religious nature.
 
As far as I can see, the people who will hold the reins of power will
cause serious damage to Islam. Their behaviour may result in the total alienation of the Pakistani youth who may become a part of non-religious movements. Today, in Muslim minority states the Muslim youth are more attached to religion than in Muslim majority states. You will see that despite the increased role of Ulema, the religion will lose its sheen in  Pakistan.
 
Q: But many Ulema are with Quaid-e-Azam [M.A. Jinnah].
 
A: Many Ulema were with Akbare Azam too; they invented a new religion  for him. Do not discuss individuals. Our history is replete with the doings of the Ulema who have brought humiliation and disgrace to Islam in every age and period. The upholders of truth are exceptions. How many of the Ulema find an honourable mention in the Muslim history of the last 1,300 years? There was one Imam Hanbal, one Ibn Taimiyya. In India we remember no Ulema except Shah Waliullah and his family. The courage of Alf Sani is beyond doubt, but those who filled the royal office with
complaints against him and got him imprisoned were also Ulema. Where are they now? Does anybody show any respect to them?
 
Q: Maulana, what is wrong if Pakistan becomes a reality? After all,
 “Islam” is being used to pursue and protect the unity of the community.
 
 A: You are using the name of Islam for a cause that is not right by
 Islamic standards. Muslim history bears testimony to many such
enormities. In the battle of Jamal [fought between Imam Ali and Hadrat Aisha, widow of the Holy Prophet] Qurans were displayed on lances. Was that right? In Karbala the family members of the Holy Prophet were martyred by those Muslims who claimed companionship of the Prophet. Was that right? Hajjaj was a Muslim general and he subjected the holy mosque at Makka to brutal attack. Was that right? No sacred words can justify or sanctify a false motive.

If Pakistan was right for Muslims then I would have supported it. But  I see clearly the dangers inherent in the demand. I do not expect people to follow me, but it is not possible for me to go against the call of my conscience. People generally submit either to coercion or to the lessons of their experience. Muslims will not hear anything against Pakistan unless they experience it. Today they can call white black, but they will not give up Pakistan. The only way it can be stopped now is either for the government not to concede it or for Mr Jinnah himself — if he agrees to some new proposal.
 
Now as I gather from the attitude of my own colleagues in the working  committee, the division of India appears to be certain. But I must warn that the evil consequences of partition will not affect India alone, Pakistan will be equally haunted by them. The partition will be based on the religion of the population and not based on any natural barrier like mountain, desert or river. A line will be drawn; it is difficult to say how durable it would be.
 
We must remember that an entity conceived in hatred will last only as long as that hatred lasts. This hatred will overwhelm the relations
between India and Pakistan. In this situation it will not be possible
for India and Pakistan to become friends and live amicably unless some catastrophic event takes place. The politics of partition itself will act as a barrier between the two countries. It will not be possible for Pakistan to accommodate all the Muslims of India, a task beyond her territorial capability. On the other hand, it will not be possible for the Hindus to stay especially in West Pakistan. They will be thrown out or leave on their own. This will have its repercussions in India and the Indian Muslims will have three options before them:

 
 1. They become victims of loot and brutalities and migrate to
 Pakistan; but how many Muslims can find shelter there?
 
2. They become subject to murder and other excesses. A substantial
number of Muslims will pass through this ordeal until the bitter
memories of partition are forgotten and the generation that had lived through it completes its natural term.
 
3. A good number of Muslims, haunted by poverty, political wilderness and regional depredation decide to renounce Islam.
 
The prominent Muslims who are supporters of Muslim League will leave for Pakistan. The wealthy Muslims will take over the industry and business and monopolise the economy of Pakistan. But more than 30 million Muslims will be left behind in India. What promise Pakistan holds for them? The situation that will arise after the expulsion of Hindus and Sikhs from Pakistan will be still more dangerous for them.
 
Pakistan itself will be afflicted by many serious problems. The greatest danger will come from international powers who will seek to control the new country, and with the passage of time this control will become tight. India will have no problem with this outside interference as it will sense danger and hostility from Pakistan.
 
The other important point that has escaped Mr Jinnah’s attention is
Bengal. He does not know that Bengal disdains outside leadership and rejects it sooner or later. During World War II, Mr Fazlul Haq revolted against Jinnah and was thrown out of the Muslim League. Mr H.S. Suhrawardy does not hold Jinnah in high esteem. Why only Muslim League, look at the history of Congress. The revolt of Subhas Chandra Bose is known to all. Gandhiji was not happy with the presidentship of Bose and turned the tide against him by going on a fast unto death at Rajkot.
 
Subhas Bose rose against Gandhiji and disassociated himself from the Congress. The environment of Bengal is such that it disfavours
leadership from outside and rises in revolt when it senses danger to its rights and interests.
 
The confidence of East Pakistan will not erode as long as Jinnah and Liaquat Ali are alive. But after them any small incident will create resentment and disaffection. I feel that it will not be possible for East Pakistan to stay with West Pakistan for any considerable period of time. There is nothing common between the two regions except that they call themselves Muslims. But the fact of being Muslim has never created durable political unity anywhere in the world. The Arab world is before us; they subscribe to a common religion, a common civilisation and culture and speak a common language. In fact they acknowledge even territorial unity. But there is no political unity among them. Their systems of government are different and they are often engaged in mutual recrimination and hostility. On the other hand, the language, customs and way of life of East Pakistan are totally different from West Pakistan. The moment the creative warmth of Pakistan cools down, the contradictions will emerge and will acquire assertive overtones. These will be fuelled by the clash of interests of international powers and consequently both wings will separate. After the separation of East Pakistan, whenever it happens, West Pakistan will become the battleground of regional contradictions and disputes. The assertion of sub-national identities of Punjab, Sind, Frontier and Balochistan will open the doors for outside interference. It will not be long before the international powers use the diverse elements of Pakistani political leadership to break the country on the lines of Balkan and Arab states.
 
Maybe at that stage we will ask ourselves, what have we gained and what have we lost.
 
The real issue is economic development and progress, it certainly is
not religion. Muslim business leaders have doubts about their own
ability and competitive spirit. They are so used to official patronage
and favours that they fear new freedom and liberty. They advocate the two-nation theory to conceal their fears and want to have a Muslim state where they have the monopoly to control the economy without any competition from competent rivals. It will be interesting to watch how long they can keep this deception alive.
 
I feel that right from its inception, Pakistan will face some very
 serious problems:
 
1. The incompetent political leadership will pave the way for
military dictatorship as it has happened in many Muslim countries.
 
2. The heavy burden of foreign debt.
 
3. Absence of friendly relationship with neighbours and the
possibility of armed conflict.
 
 4. Internal unrest and regional conflicts.
 
 5. The loot of national wealth by the neo-rich and industrialists of
 Pakistan.
 
6. The apprehension of class war as a result of exploitation by the
neo-rich.
 
7. The dissatisfaction and alienation of the youth from religion and
the collapse of the theory of Pakistan.
 
 8. The conspiracies of the international powers to control Pakistan.

 In this situation, the stability of Pakistan will be under strain and
 the Muslim countries will be in no position to provide any worthwhile help. The assistance from other sources will not come without strings and it will force both ideological and territorial compromises.

Q: But the question is how Muslims can keep their community identity intact and how they can inculcate the attributes of the citizens of a Muslim state.
 
A: Hollow words cannot falsify the basic realities nor slanted
questions can make the answers deficient. It amounts to distortion of the discourse. What is meant by community identity? If this community identity has remained intact during the British slavery, how will it come under threat in a free India in whose affairs Muslims will be equal participants? What attributes of the Muslim state you wish to cultivate?
 
The real issue is the freedom of faith and worship and who can put a cap on that freedom. Will independence reduce the 90 million Muslims into such a helpless state that they will feel constrained in enjoying their religious freedom? If the British, who as a world power could not snatch this liberty, what magic or power do the Hindus have to deny this freedom of religion? These questions have been raised by those, who, under the influence of western culture, have renounced their own heritage and are now raising dust through political gimmickry.
 
Muslim history is an important part of Indian history. Do you think
the Muslim kings were serving the cause of Islam? They had a nominal relationship with Islam; they were not Islamic preachers. Muslims of India owe their gratitude to Sufis, and many of these divines were treated by the kings very cruelly. Most of the kings created a large band of Ulema who were an obstacle in the path of the propagation of Islamic ethos and values. Islam, in its pristine form, had a tremendous appeal and in the first century won the hearts and minds of a large number of people living in and around Hejaz. But the Islam that came to India was different, the carriers were non-Arabs and the real spirit was missing. Still, the imprint of the Muslim period is writ large on the culture, music, art, architecture and languages of India. What do the cultural centres of India, like Delhi and Lucknow, represent? The underlying Muslim spirit is all too obvious.
 
If the Muslims still feel under threat and believe that they will be
reduced to slavery in free India then I can only pray for their faith
and hearts. If a man becomes disenchanted with life he can be helped to revival, but if someone is timid and lacks courage, then it is not possible to help him become brave and gutsy. The Muslims as a community have become cowards. They have no fear of God, instead they fear men.
 
This explains why they are so obsessed with threats to their existence —  a figment of their imagination.
 
After British takeover, the government committed all possible
excesses against the Muslims. But Muslims did not cease to exist. On the contrary, they registered a growth that was more than average. The Muslim cultural ethos and values have their own charm. Then India has large Muslim neighbours on three sides. Why on earth the majority in this country will be interested to wipe out the Muslims? How will it promote their self interests? Is it so easy to finish 90 million people?
 
In fact, Muslim culture has such attraction that I shall not be
surprised if it comes to have the largest following in free India.
 
The world needs both, a durable peace and a philosophy of life. If
the Hindus can run after Marx and undertake scholarly studies of the philosophy and wisdom of the West, they do not disdain Islam and will be happy to benefit from its principles. In fact they are more familiar with Islam and acknowledge that Islam does not mean parochialism of a hereditary community or a despotic system of governance. Islam is a universal call to establish peace on the basis of human equality. They know that Islam is the proclamation of a Messenger who calls to the worship of God and not his own worship. Islam means freedom from all social and economic discrimination and reorganization of society on three basic principles of God-consciousness, righteous action and knowledge. 
In fact, it is we Muslims and our extremist behaviour that
has created an aversion among non-Muslims for Islam. If we had not allowed our selfish ambitions to soil the purity of Islam then many seekers of truth would have found comfort in the bosom of Islam.
 
Pakistan has nothing to do with Islam; it is a political demand that is projected by Muslim League as the national goal of Indian Muslims. I feel it is not the solution to the problems Muslims are facing. In fact it is bound to create more problems.
 
The Holy Prophet has said, “God has made the whole earth a mosque for  me.” Now do not ask me to support the idea of the partition of a mosque.
 
If the nine-crore Muslims were thinly scattered all over India, and
demand was made to reorganise the states in a manner to ensure their majority in one or two regions, that was understandable. Again such a demand would not have been right from an Islamic viewpoint, but justifiable on administrative grounds. But the situation, as it exists, is drastically different. All the border states of India have Muslim majorities sharing borders with Muslim countries. Tell me, who can eliminate these populations? By demanding Pakistan we are turning our eyes away from the history of the last 1,000 years and, if I may use the League terminology, throwing more than 30 million Muslims into the lap of “Hindu Raj”. 
 
The Hindu Muslim problem that has created political tension between Congress and League will become a source of dispute
between the two states and with the aid of international powers this may erupt into full scale war anytime in future.
 
The question is often raised that if the idea of Pakistan is so
fraught with dangers for the Muslims, why is it being opposed by the Hindus? I feel that the opposition to the demand is coming from two quarters. One is represented by those who genuinely feel concerned about imperial machinations and strongly believe that a free, united India will be in a better position to defend itself. On the other hand, there is a section who opposes Pakistan with the motive to provoke Muslims to become more determined in their demand and thus get rid of them. Muslims have every right to demand constitutional safeguards, but partition of India cannot promote their interests. The demand is the politically incorrect solution of a communal problem.
 
In future India will be faced with class problems, not communal
disputes; the conflict will be between capital and labour. The communist and socialist movements are growing and it is not possible to ignore them. These movements will increasingly fight for the protection of the interest of the underclass. The Muslim capitalists and the feudal classes are apprehensive of this impending threat. Now they have given this whole issue a communal colour and have turned the economic issue into a religious dispute. But Muslims alone are not responsible for it.
 
This strategy was first adopted by the British government and then
endorsed by the political minds of Aligarh. Later, Hindu
short-sightedness made matters worse and now freedom has become contingent on the partition of India.
 
Jinnah himself was an ambassador of Hindu-Muslim unity. In one
Congress session Sarojini Naidu had commended him with this title. He was a disciple of Dadabhai Naoroji. He had refused to join the 1906 deputation of Muslims that initiated communal politics in India. In 1919 he stood firmly as a nationalist and opposed Muslim demands before the Joint Select Committee. On 3 October 1925, in a letter to the Times of India he rubbished the suggestion that Congress is a Hindu outfit. In the All Parties Conferences of 1925 and 1928, he strongly favoured a joint electorate. While speaking at the National Assembly in 1925, he said, “I am a nationalist first and a nationalist last” and exhorted his colleagues, be they Hindus or Muslims, “not to raise communal issues in the House and help make the Assembly a national institution in the truest sense of the term”.
 
In 1928, Jinnah supported the Congress call to boycott Simon
Commission. Till 1937, he did not favour the demand to partition India.
 
In his message to various student bodies he stressed the need to work for Hindu Muslim unity. But he felt aggrieved when the Congress formed governments in seven states and ignored the Muslim League. In 1940 he decided to pursue the partition demand to check Muslim political decline. In short, the demand for Pakistan is his response to his own political experiences. Mr Jinnah has every right to his opinion about me, but I have no doubts about his intelligence. As a politician he has worked overtime to fortify Muslim communalism and the demand for Pakistan. Now it has become a matter of prestige for him and he will not give it up at any cost.
 
 Q: It is clear that Muslims are not going to turn away from their
demand for Pakistan. Why have they become so impervious to all reason and logic of arguments?
 
A: It is difficult, rather impossible, to fight against the misplaced
enthusiasm of a mob, but to suppress one’s conscience is worse than death. Today the Muslims are not walking, they are flowing. The problem is that Muslims have not learnt to walk steady; they either run or flow with the tide. When a group of people lose confidence and self-respect, they are surrounded by imaginary doubts and dangers and fail to make a distinction between the right and the wrong. The true meaning of life is realised not through numerical strength but through firm faith and righteous action. 
 
British politics has sown many seeds of fear and distrust in the mental field of Muslims. Now they are in a frightful state, bemoaning the departure of the British and demanding partition
before the foreign masters leave. Do they believe that partition will
avert all the dangers to their lives and bodies? If these dangers are
real then they will still haunt their borders and any armed conflict
will result in much greater loss of lives and possessions.

Q: But Hindus and Muslims are two different nations with different
 and disparate inclinations. How can the unity between the two be achieved?
 
A: This is an obsolete debate. I have seen the correspondence between Allama Iqbal and Maulana Husain Ahmad Madni on the subject. In the Quran the term qaum has been used not only for the community of believers but has also been used for distinct human groupings generally. What do we wish to achieve by raising this debate about the etymological scope of terms like millat [community], qaum [nation] and ummat [group]? In religious terms India is home to many people — the Hindus, Muslims, Christians, Parsis, Sikhs etc. The differences between Hindu religion and Islam are vast in scope. But these differences cannot be allowed to become an obstacle in the path of India gaining her freedom nor do the two distinct and different systems of faith negate the idea of unity of India. The issue is of our national independence and how we can secure it. Freedom is a blessing and is the right of every human being. It cannot be divided on the basis of religion.
 
Muslims must realise that they are bearers of a universal message.
 
They are not a racial or regional grouping in whose territory others
cannot enter. Strictly speaking, Muslims in India are not one community; they are divided among many well-entrenched sects. You can unite them by arousing their anti-Hindu sentiment but you cannot unite them in the name of Islam. To them Islam means undiluted loyalty to their own sect.
 
Apart from Wahabi, Sunni and Shia there are innumerable groups who owe allegiance to different saints and divines. Small issues like raising hands during the prayer and saying Amen loudly have created disputes that defy solution. The Ulema have used the instrument of takfeer [fatwas declaring someone as infidel] liberally. Earlier, they used to take Islam to the disbelievers; now they take away Islam from the believers. Islamic history is full of instances of how good and pious Muslims were branded kafirs. Prophets alone had the capability to cope with these mindboggling situations. Even they had to pass through times of afflictions and trials. The fact is that when reason and intelligence are abandoned and attitudes become fossilised then the job of the reformer becomes very difficult.
 
But today the situation is worse than ever. Muslims have become firm in their communalism; they prefer politics to religion and follow their worldly ambitions as commands of religion. History bears testimony to the fact that in every age we ridiculed those who pursued the good with consistency, snuffed out the brilliant examples of sacrifice and tore the flags of selfless service. Who are we, the ordinary mortals; even high ranking Prophets were not spared by these custodians of traditions and customs.
 
Q: You closed down your journal Al-Hilal a long time back. Was it due to your disappointment with the Muslims who were wallowing in intellectual desolation, or did you feel like proclaiming azan [call to prayer] in a barren desert?
 
A: I abandoned Al-Hilal not because I had lost faith in its truth.
 
This journal created great awareness among a large section of Muslims.
 
They renewed their faith in Islam, in human freedom and in consistent pursuit of righteous goals. In fact my own life was greatly enriched by this experience and I felt like those who had the privilege of learning under the companionship of the Messenger of God. My own voice entranced me and under its impact I burnt out like a phoenix. Al-Hilal had served its purpose and a new age was dawning. Based on my experiences, I made a reappraisal of the situation and decided to devote all my time and energy for the attainment of our national freedom. I was firm in my belief that freedom of Asia and Africa largely depends on India’s freedom and Hindu Muslim unity is key to India’s freedom. Even before
the First World War, I had realised that India was destined to attain
freedom, and no power on earth would be able to deny it. I was also clear in my mind about the role of Muslims. I ardently wished that Muslims would learn to walk together with their countrymen and not give an opportunity to history to say that when Indians were fighting for their independence, Muslims were looking on as spectators. Let nobody say that instead of fighting the waves they were standing on the banks and showing mirth on the drowning of boats carrying the freedom fighters  [?].

 


Tuesday, May 1, 2012

A new political party - Awami Vikas Party - formed in Mumbai today, May 1, 2012

A NEW POLITICAL PARTY --- AWAMI VIKAS PARTY - FORMED IN MUMBAI TODAY, MAY 1, 2012 - HEADED BY SHAMSHER KHAN PATHAN AS PRESIDENT AND BABAN KAMBLE, DALIT MARATHI JOURNALIST AS VICE- PRESIDENT; APPARENTLY  A JOINT VENTURE BETWEEN MUSLIMS AND DALITS.

ALL 4 PROMINENT URDU NEWSPAPERS CARRIED HALF FRONT PAGE ADVERTISEMENTS HERALDING THE FORMATION OF THE PARTY.

ENGLISH MEDIA IGNORED THE EVENT, THOUGH TIMES OF INDIA CARRIED DETAILED FRONT PAGE NEWS OF SENTENCING OF SAMAJWADI PARTY'S MUMBAI PRESIDENT ABU ASIM AZMI FOR 2 YEARS RIGOROUS IMPRISONMENT AND FINE, OVER HIS YEAR 2000 PUBLIC SPEECH SUPPOSED TO BE COMMUNAL AND CRIMINAL.

THIS WAS A SIGNAL TO THE NEW PARTY, AS TO WHAT THEY CAN EXPECT FROM THE RULING OLIGARCHS IN DAYS TO COME.

Ghulam Muhammed, Mumbai
<ghulammuhammed3@gmail.com>

-----------------

Copy of Awami Vikas Party advertisement in INQUILAB Urdu daily, Mumbai, India.

http://epaper.inquilab.com/epaperhome.aspx?issue=01052012&edd=mumbai


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Sunday, April 29, 2012

COMMENTS POSTED ON THE TIMES OF INDIA Q&A INTERVIEW OF MS. FLAVIA AGNES BY JYOTI PUNWANI: Women's rights would fall into place with secure economic rights:

COMMENTS POSTED ON THE TIMES OF INDIA Q&A INTERVIEW OF MS. FLAVIA AGNES BY JYOTI PUNWANI: Women's rights would fall into place with secure economic rights:

Though the very seasoned women's right activist Ms. Flavia Agnes's words in this interview may be welcome when she candidly admits that "Every modern concept of marriage already exists in Islamic law - be it viewing marriage as a contract between equals with prenuptial agreements, giving the wife a share in property and economic security, acknowledging that marriage may not be lifelong, providing for arbitration and if that fails, for a quick and easy dissolution through divorce by consent, with a fair and reasonable settlement. All this evolved at a time when other religions were very oppressive towards women. In the 7th century, the Prophet Muhammad held the view that wives aren't slaves - they have an independent identity and need economic security. How can it ever be construed that a Prophet so compassionate towards women would deny their rights to matrimonial property? In fact, the Muslim Women's Act (MWA) of 1986 has already incorporated this principle."

However, she ignores TWO main factors that should be considered before reformists try to improve on Sharia. In India, the enactment of Muslim Personal Law, back in British rule in 1937, was meant to keep sharia intact against the incursions by governments through arbitrary fiats. That main objective of Muslim Personal Law should not only be kept in mind when Muslim affairs are in question; but the caution should be extended as to why a secular state and government should be interfering in the personal laws of different religion, be that Brahmin, Sikh, Jain, Parsi etc. British justice was colonial justice. India's secular constitution should stick more strictly to its secularism and leave the religious matters best to be sorted out by various religious communities. Why should Nehru have meddled in Hindu personal laws when he was publicly declaring that India is not a Hindu nation, but a secular republic.

India's women's rights movement is heavily influenced by Western ideas that need not always be relevant in Secular India with very high public commitment to religious tradition.

The second point that Ms. Agnes should have taken into consideration when it comes to Muslims and Islam, that Sharia has a holistic view of the family as a basic unit. We cannot think of apportioning properties among Muslim members of families without taking into consideration the very strict inheritance laws. Any effort to preempt those ratios will be null and void. It would have been better if Ms. Flavia should have first cleared her legislative initiative with Muslim Personal Law Board, who effectively represents the 180 million Muslims of India, at least intellectually. She is as guilty of ignoring Muslim Personal Law Board, as the English media, among others, in Mumbai that did not care to cover the huge gathering of about 200,000 Muslim protestors at Azad maidan, possibly at the behest of the ruling Congress party.

Ghulam Muhammed, Mumbai

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'Women's rights would fall into place with secure economic rights'

Apr 30, 2012, 12.00AM IST

Feminist lawyer Flavia Agnes 's organisation Majlis has helped draft Maharashtra's new matrimonial property Bill, giving women an equal share in matrimonial property. However, some traditional community leaders want Muslim women kept out of the purview of this Bill. Speaking with Jyoti Punwani , Agnes explains why a law like this would not override existing Muslim personal law provisions safeguarding women in marital distress - and how crucial economic security is to the well-being of all women:

How did you get involved with drafting this law?

When reports about the Maharashtra government proposing a matrimonial property Bill first appeared, Majlis met the concerned minister who invited us to draft a Billa¦it's my firm belief that all women's rights would fall into place if we're able to secure their economic rights. This is crucial to protect women from destitution - what can maintenance of Rs 500 do for you and your children? Therefore, after consultations with bureaucrats, lawyers, judges and activists, we came up with this draft.

Did you anticipate a negative reaction?

I anticipated a backlash from men's rights groups but not from Muslim leaders - this is because whatever progress matrimonial law has made in India has brought it closer to Islamic law. Every modern concept of marriage already exists in Islamic law - be it viewing marriage as a contract between equals with prenuptial agreements, giving the wife a share in property and economic security, acknowledging that marriage may not be lifelong, providing for arbitration and if that fails, for a quick and easy dissolution through divorce by consent, with a fair and reasonable settlement.

All this evolved at a time when other religions were very oppressive towards women. In the 7th century, the Prophet Muhammad held the view that wives aren't slaves - they have an independent identity and need economic security. How can it ever be construed that a Prophet so compassionate towards women would deny their rights to matrimonial property? In fact, the Muslim Women's Act (MWA) of 1986 has already incorporated this principle.

But will you be able to convince traditional community leaders of this today?

Muslim leaders do know about our earlier work with the communitya¦and today, the ulema or clergy are not saying that Muslim women have no rights - their claim is that Muslim women already have a right in sharia. This can be acknowledged and provided for in the new law where a section states that if a woman has a similar right under her personal law, she can avail of it. Muslim women must persuade the Personal Law Board to set up the machinery that will give women this Islamic right.

Is there a possibility of history being repeated - with echoes of the Shah Bano case - if leaders can ultimately prevail on the government to exclude Muslim women from this law?

Shah Bano's case resulted in the MWA. The Supreme Court upheld its validity in 2002. The MWA has actually given far more in lump sum settlements to divorced Muslim women than any secular law. The media highlights only negative instances, such as Imrana and Gudiya, but not the victories of Muslim women under their personal law. If Muslim women are excluded from this new law, they'd still have the right to ask for a settlement under MWA - and the exclusion could also be challenged






Friday, April 27, 2012

Indian Muslims Still Paying the Price of Partition - By Karamatullah K. Ghori, The Milli Gazette

http://www.milligazette.com/news/3501-indian-muslims-still-paying-the-price-of-partition

Indian Muslims Still Paying the Price of Partition

By Karamatullah K. Ghori, The Milli Gazette
Published Online: Apr 12, 2012 - Print Issue: 16-30 April 2012

What’s is it like being a Muslim in India 65 years after the cataclysm of August 1947 that unleashed the ‘Great Divide’ in the South Asian subcontinent and spawned India and Pakistan?

The question comes naturally to every curious mind keen to know how the largest minority, i.e., its Muslims numbering around 180 million is doing in what the western world is so prone to referring as ‘Shining India.’

But for a Muslim who may have spent the better part of his life living in, or working for, Pakistan-and now living in the west-the question assumes both a greater curiosity than normal and an added intensity of passion, for the simple reason that he was born an Indian Muslim himself. In plain language, this scribe: born in Delhi, migrated to Pakistan as a child with little inkling as to why he was leaving his ancestral abode, but in all of his adult years remaining sentimentally tethered to the place of his birth; the place where his ancestors are buried.

They say-a saying attributed more to the Muslims of India-that Pakistanis, especially those who came over from those parts of the Subcontinent that fell to India, can’t help carrying a guilt syndrome in regard to their fellow Muslims in India. That may be true but of that generation of Pakistanis which has long since gone to its graves. They-my elders-were old enough at the time of the Partition to know what they were doing. Or were they really conscious of what they were doing? Did they suffer from any guilt syndrome?

I never got to ask this question of my father. He wouldn’t allow me even if I’d the gumption to put him this question. He was astute and straight as an arrow. No looking back, in his case. And he was quite forthright about it; he didn’t want to look back.

So the guilt syndrome may not have been passed on to me as a legacy of my elders. But as a student of history I’ve never been too distant from academic curiosity to entertain the idea-and nurture it consciously-to visit India as often as possible to keep tabs on fellow Muslims and their lot in that place where they had been rulers for centuries but have now been reduced to minority status in a huge country, with a bulging population second only to China.

As a career diplomat in the service of Pakistan visiting India wasn’t a very popular idea, though nobody ever posed me any hurdles when I asked for permission to visit my ancestral abode. But exigencies and demands of an overtly engrossing career wouldn’t give me more than two opportunities-the first in 1980 and the next in 1988-to set foot on the land of my progenitors.

However, long before any Indian Muslim would hazard to pose the question of guilt or not on my part, it’s the Indian Consul in Toronto who reminds me that my parents-God bless their departed souls-had made a horrible mistake when they scooped me up in Delhi and took me across the border to Pakistan.

‘I’ sorry, Sir,’ he tells me with a poker face, ‘but I’m afraid I can’t give you a visa to India on your Canadian passport.’

‘But why on earth would you do that? I ask, totally flabbergasted and miffed, ‘this Canadian passport is the most sought-after in the world and people would give their left-hand to get one.’

‘True, Sir,’ he remains unfazed, ‘but in the hands of a former Pakistani it doesn’t get an Indian visa,’ he’s quite matter-of-factly.

‘But my dear man, ‘I protest, ‘I was an Indian before I became a Pakistani. I was born in Delhi, what about that?’

‘Quite right, Sir,’ he intones, ‘but you migrated to Pakistan.’

And then he adds, ‘We’ll give you visa on your Canadian passport if only you’d give us an affidavit, in writing, that you’ve renounced your Pakistani nationality.’

‘You can’t be serious,’ I’m close to exasperation if not quite ready to explode, ‘you think I’ll ever ‘renounce’ my Pakistani nationality for the sake of a visa to India? Forget about it. You’re being naïve.’

In the end, it was my ‘official’ Pakistani passport that saved the day for me. I couldn’t be refused a visa on an official passport; and for an added courtesy, or a sweetener to take care of the egregious hurt caused to me, I was to be exempted from reporting to police and register with them upon arrival in India-a must for ordinary Pakistanis venturing into India. Police reporting marks them, instantly, as suspects that must be kept under surveillance.

So that’s it: the Indians associate nationality to land, whereas in Pakistan it’s to the idea of Pakistan; a commitment to a notion and not so much to a patch of earth.

The Pakistani perception of nationality-thankfully, to people like me-is not land-bound, which it’s in India. That’s why Pakistan allows its nationals to take other nationalities without surrendering their Pakistani nationality. No wonder that some, like this scribe, have moved on to other lands, far distant from Pakistan, and settled down there. But their second migration hasn’t, in any way, overshadowed their commitment or adherence to Pakistan or diluted their moorings in the idea of Pakistan.

But how do our Muslim brothers-proverbially left behind in India and deserted by us-feel about the idea of Pakistan? Do they approve of our unflinching commitment to it? Or do they rather think it was naïve and quite tentative of us to imagine that adherence to a common religion would override and circumvent all the fault-lines that divided, or still divide, the Subcontinent on ethnic, linguistic or sectarian bases?

These were some of the questions I routinely posed to my Muslim interlocutors, of all ages and persuasions, in the course of my month-long sojourn in India-my first in 24 years.

I distinctly recall that in my previous visit to India-24 years ago, in 1988-I was often cut short, brusquely, when I posed the same question. They-and some of them were men of great insight and clarity of thought-would instantly blurt out that it was a preposterous idea for Mr. Jinnah (Quaid-e-Azam, or great leader, to us, Pakistanis) and all of his cohorts and flunkies to think that bonds of a common religion, alone, could keep a disparate people together.

‘Look,’ they would say with ill-disguised ire (some even with banter and a chuckle) ‘you couldn’t keep East Pakistan with you for even a quarter century; the Bengalis had had enough of your flirtation with romance, if not your outright cruelty to them. So they decided to go their separate way.’

They were right. East Pakistan became Bangladesh and put paid to the idea of Pakistan, as far as they were concerned. Or, as the then Indian PM, Indira Gandhi, had boasted with venom, the ideology of Pakistan was cremated in the Paltan Maidan of Dhaka, that black December day, of 1971, when Pakistan’s General ‘Tiger’ Niazi, had meekly surrendered to his victorious Indian counter-part, General Aurora.

Maulana Abul Kalam Azad-the sage, the clairvoyant, perhaps the only one in the galaxy of leaders that adorned the then firmament of India possessing a prophetic vision-was then routinely cited to buttress the argument against the idea of Pakistan. Not so much now.

It was, in fact, heart-rending to me to see the Maulana’s tomb, under the feet of Delhi’s still majestic Jama Masjid, bearing tell-tale signs of neglect. I felt sad, very sad, at the apathy of our Muslim brothers for not according to the sage’s tomb the decorum and dignity it so rightly and richly deserves. I rushed to see it as soon as I was done with the Friday prayers on my first Friday in Delhi.

I wanted to pay my respects to the sage all the more-felt an incontinent urge for it-after listening to the sermon of the Masjid’s custodian and Imam, Maulana Bukhari. It wasn’t a typical Friday sermon but more in the format of a political address. The U.P. elections were in the air and the Shahi Imam, Maulana Bukhari’s popular title, was blowing hot-and cold (more hot than cold, in fact scalding hot) with the rhetoric and eloquence of a seasoned political campaigner on-the- stump.

Maulana Azad’s tomb, in palpable neglect and decay, seems to have become a favourite hang-out for junkies. I could tell from the hazy and clouded faces of a dozen or so of them languishing in the shade of the tomb that they were there because the authorities wouldn’t bother them in its sanctuary.

Ironically, the Maulana is now the most-quoted political thinker and sage in Pakistan. The rising graph of his popularity and acceptability in Pakistan is in inverse proportion to his fading profile in ‘Shining India.’ I didn’t hear him quoted half as much in India as I would in contemporary Pakistan.

There was a time, in the early days of Pakistan, when Maulana Azad, was more reviled than Gandhi or Nehru. They’d refer to him as the Congress’ Trojan horse. The two-bit maulvis of Pakistan despised him and would mention him with rancour.

No more of that nonsense. The Maulana is the star attraction and piece de resistance in the increasingly popular and ongoing dialogue that questions the logic of Pakistan. They quote him with admiration and awe as the man who could see the future of Pakistan even before its birth.

Maulana Azad’s welcome intrusion into the critique of Pakistan is, no doubt, as much a belated recognition of his intellectual stature as a product of the Pakistani intelligentsia’s bitter frustration with the dismal performance of Pakistan as a state.

Frustration is also writ large on the Muslims of India. But the critique of Pakistan among the Indian Muslims is a product of Pakistan’s holistic failure; it blends dismay at the idea of Pakistan with its dismal failure as a state.

What impressed me, outstandingly, was the absence of rancour against the idea of Pakistan, which was so much evident in the two earlier visits, 1980 and 1988. By the same token, scorn at the founder of Pakistan, Mohammad Ali Jinnah, has come down markedly, if not exponentially.

There’s more pathos than passion in the Indian Muslim discourse of the day on Pakistan. The typical argument I heard in my visit went something like this: ‘Look,’ they’d say with no visible shade of hurt, ‘Pakistan may have been a bad idea. But it’s a reality, now, and we can’t wish it away. On the contrary, we wish it all success and pray for it. We’ve, after all, our kith and kin there whose life and future is dear to us. We don’t want any harm to come to them, or to the country they call home.’

‘That’s mature and healthy,’ I’d quip. But would then quickly turn to my favourite theme in the discourse: ‘Do you still think Pakistan is responsible for the plethora of your problems in India? Do you feel we, the Mohajirs of Pakistan, turned our backs on you and left you to the mercy of India’s majority population? Have you been treated unfairly, to say the least, because we deserted you?’

Some of my interlocutors were more charitable than others. ‘We’ve overcome the trauma of desertion that rankled us so much in the early decades after Partition,’ they’d console me, ‘but the sense of hurt revisits us every time there is a Babri Masjid tragedy, of 1992, or the mayhem of Gujarat, 2002. The revanchist Hindus wouldn’t have dared to pounce on us, as they did on those two occasions and many others before them, had there been no Pakistan. Just imagine what formidable strength we’d be as one Muslim people of India. Add the numbers to get the sense of what we’re saying: 180 million Pakistanis, 160 million Bangladeshis and 180 million Indian Muslims. That makes it a staggering number of half a billion-plus Muslims. Would anyone, in their right mind, have dared to take us on collectively?’

‘Your argument has merit and obvious thrust,’ I’d concede. But before I could continue there’d be quick intervention: ‘Look, forget about any other argument and just read the eye-opening report of the Sachar Committee. It tells you, more graphically than any Muslim could argue, of what horrendous price the Muslims of India are still paying for the creation of Pakistan.’

This debate is to be continued. (MG)
 
This article appeared in The Milli Gazette print issue of 16-30 April 2012

Thursday, April 26, 2012

Thousands march in Delhi against Israeli influence in India

http://twocircles.net/2012apr26/thousands_march_delhi_against_israeli_influence_india.html?utm_source=feedburner&utm_medium=email&utm_campaign=Feed%3A+Twocirclesnet-IndianMuslim+%28TwoCircles.net+-+Indian+Muslim+News%29

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Thousands march in Delhi against Israeli influence in India

Submitted by admin4 on 26 April 2012 - 9:41pm
By TCN News,

New Delhi: Thousands marched today to express their concern on the growing influence of Israel in India. The march was convened by Movement for Civil Rights, an alliance of many civil-society and religious organization under the leadership of Dr. Maulana Mufti Mukaram, Imam of Delhi’s Fatehpuri Masjid. The organizers asked the Indian government to snap all ties with Israel.
The marched started today from Ram Leela Maidan around 10 am and reached Jantar Mantar. Later a public meeting was held at Jantar mantar.



Mufti Mukarram addressing the gathering.


Mufti Mukaram while addressing the gathering said “Gandhiji was against Zionism and our first PM Nehru made India part of the Non-Aligned Movement but unfortunately, in early nineties this policy was changed drastically by the government led by P. V. Narasimha Rao who established formal diplomatic relations with Israel in 1991. Since then the country has become the largest customer of Israeli military equipments that are nothing but modified versions of US products. India is Israel's largest defence market, accounting for almost 50 percent of Israeli arms sales.”

Later on the Programme Convener and SDPI National Gen Secretary Hafiz Manzoor Ali Khan said that “That Israeli diplomats have established relations with various State Governments and this kind of relations are void and against the norms of our country. 

Mossad have regularly intervened in investigations in various cases which indicate that Israel does not have trust in the capacity of Indian investigation agencies”.



EM Abdul Rahiman Chairman Popular Front of India said that “our growing civil and military ties with the illegitimate government of Israel are in gross violation of our great traditions and secular, democratic ethos.” He cautioned that engaging Israel agencies like Mossad in tackling our domestic law and order problems will ultimately endanger the very autonomy and dignity of our police, military and intelligence agencies. The recent incidents like the arrest of a senior journalist in the Israel embassy car blast are intended to suppress the voices against the Zionist atrocities. He stated that the terror agenda of Israel will get defeated in the Indian soil as a result of the united democratic resistance that is gaining strength in our country”.

Abdul Wahab Khilji President – All India Islahi movement said “ Israel has been always an entertainer of terrorism and was created by violence, And Israel relation with India with create tension in the nation as well it will a endorsement of the Israel’s oppression on Palestinian”.



Later in his speech Dalit leader Udit Raj of Confederation of SC ST Organisation said “it’s high time that an alliance should be formed between Dalit and Muslims and they should vote for themselves.”
Moulana Usman Baig president of All India Imams Council in his speech said that “the audio tapes seized from the laptop of Dayanand Pandey, an accused in various bomb blast cases carried out by Hindutva groups reveal that Col. Srikant Purohit, the king-pin of the terror group had sought the support of Israel. There are two reasons behind terrorism in India one is the Israel and the other is the fascist forces. It is also worth notice that the increasing ties with Israel had very grave impact on the country’s security”.



While addressing the public Turab Ali Kazmi son of arrested journalist Ahmed Kazmi said “that the only reason for arrest of his father is that he wrote the truth about America and Israel”. 

National Secretary of National Confederation of Human Rights Organization Advocate A Mohamed Yusuf told “Israel is a cancer which is killing thousands of people, if we allow this cancer in our country it may lead to unhealthy situation.” Ahmed Kazmi was arrested on suspicion of supporting people who planted bomb in an Israeli diplomat car in New Delhi. He has been in detention since February.

Other people who addressed the public are:

Dr Baseer Ahmed Khan, President, Indian Union Muslim League
Maulana Amir Rashadi, President, Rastriya Ulama Council
Adv Bahar U Barqui, Advocate, Supreme Court
Zaheer Zaidi, President, Shia Point
Yasin Patel, Co-ordinator, Wahdet-e-Islami
Dr Anwar ul Islam, Secretary, AIMMM
Irfanullah Khan, Convener, Jamia Nagar Coordinator Committee
Dr Taslim Rahmani, President, NPCI
Faisal Khan, President, Khudai Khidmatgar
Adv A Mohamed Yusuf, Sec. NCHRO
Anisu Zaman, National President, Campus Front


A memorandum demanding severance of all ties with Israel was submitted to the Prime Minister of India by a team led by Hafiz Manzoor Ali Khan.
http://www.nytimes.com/2012/04/26/world/asia/26iht-letter26.html?_r=1&emc=tnt&tntemail1=y

The New York Times

Letter from India

'National' Loses Power as an Idea in India

By MANU JOSEPH
Published: April 25, 2012
NEW DELHI — This sentence has no meaning: “Tea to be declared Indian national drink.”

But that was the headline this week in several newspapers that reported on a proposal of the deputy chairman of the Planning Commission of India, a government body that plans things. What will happen after tea is declared the national drink? Nothing much, of course. But once word got out, an influential cooperative society of milk producers said that milk, and not tea, should be declared the Indian national drink.

It is odd that this fuss has arrived at a time when the very idea of “national” is becoming irrelevant in India, especially in matters far more serious than tribute to tea. The political supremacy of New Delhi and the central government is being challenged by state governments and other regional forces.

About three months ago, when the Indian government decided to allow 100 percent foreign investment in single-brand retail stores, several regional governments refused to implement the policy because they wanted to protect small businesses in their states. 

Also, the central government has been unable to push through its plan for a national anti-terrorism agency because some states are unwilling to make their own law enforcement agencies subordinate to such a central authority.

There was a time when the chief ministers of the states would arrive in the capital like indebted peasants to plead for funds from the masters of Delhi, but now they simply raise a stink when they don’t get enough. It appears that every fortnight or so the authority of the center, even its common sense and credibility, are publicly challenged by the states.

A major reason for this is that the Indian National Congress, which heads the alliance that forms the Indian government, has been diminished. The supremacy of the center made sense when the Congress party was at the height of its powers both in Delhi and in several states. But the party has lost power in many of its traditional strongholds, and with the spectacular rise of regional parties, national is not what it used to be.

For most of modern India’s history, everything national was superior to what was near and familiar. After all, wasn’t it true that national highways were broader than state highways, central government jobs better paying than state government jobs and the prime minister more powerful than a state chief minister?

In the early 1980s, even in the states where the Congress party had only a modest hold, like in the southern state of Tamil Nadu, Prime Minister Indira Gandhi was unfailingly granted the honor of a great spectacle. Huge crowds went to see her. She never spoke in Hindi because there was a powerful sentiment against the perceived imperialism of Hindi. She would speak in English, and P. Chidambaram, who was then an emerging star of the Congress party and is now minister of home affairs, would stand beside her and translate into Tamil. But her opening words would usually be in Tamil, a tortured, practiced Tamil, as a grand condescension of a national figure from Delhi to the peripheral people of Tamil Nadu. And the crowds would erupt in honest joy. Later, when her son Rajiv first visited Madras, schools were closed so that children could go and gawk at him.

India does not have a national politician anymore, who is national in the true sense of the word.

The power of the center was in no small part derived from the idea of central planning. The Planning Commission, the same agency whose deputy chairman was behind tea as the national drink, decided from Delhi what all industries would produce, how much and for what purpose. Central planning damaged the Indian economy for years and survives today in a much less deadly form.

In the past two decades, with economic liberalization, the political sphere of the Indian has become much smaller. Even in the national elections, he votes on local issues, for local politicians. Delhi still does attract politicians, but its glow is dimming. Four years ago, when Raj Thackeray, a rising politician in Mumbai, instigated violence against migrants from North India, I asked him if he was worried that he would never be accepted outside the western state of Maharashtra, that he would never become “national.” He told me that he didn’t see the point of being a national leader.

It is not just in politics that the power of the national has diminished. The news media are increasingly forced to become regional. Most of India’s English-language newspapers consider themselves national publications. But they are not so in spirit. They have multiple editions, and on most days local reports overshadow national news.

Scores of regional news channels in Indian languages have sprouted, many of them financed by political parties. English-language television news channels believe that they are national, and as a consequence are confused about what their viewers want to watch. They have seen their political clout shrink and are saved largely by the belief of advertisers that the elite consumers of the English news channels have considerable purchasing power.

Accustomed to decades of concentration of power, Delhi’s elite is a well-run confederation of cozy cartels containing politicians, bureaucrats, merchants, middlemen, journalists, novelists and people whose day jobs cannot be easily described. They take care of their own. That is how they guard their mediocrity.

As the idea of “national” sinks into obsolescence, it will one day liberate the rest of India from the hold of Delhi. In a way, that has already begun to happen.

Manu Joseph is editor of the Indian newsweekly Open and author of the novel “Serious Men.”

Sunday, April 22, 2012


Sunday, April 22, 2012

MUSLIM PERSONAL LAW BOARD PUBLIC MEETING AT MUMBAI'S AZAD MAIDAN RATTLES UPA GOVERNMENT

It is surprising that DNA & TwoCircle.Net should be a willing conduit to release this piece of mischief-mongering news, at the exact timing, when All India Muslim Personal Law Board is holding its public session at Mumbai's Azad Maidan and where thousands of Muslims are congregating to hear from their elders, about the evil designs of some communal elements in either Congress or the government bureaucracy. All issues that AIMPLB is  raising are the most disturbing to Muslim minority and instead of a democratic secular government, addressing them in true democratic fashion, is poised to take revenge on Muslims for not voting for them in Uttar Pradesh elections. This is an open challenge to India's democratic values. Government must accept the verdict of the people and should not allow fascist elements to take over its governance. It is common knowledge that government agencies have deliberately projected SIMI as a violent organisation, though court cases against arrested SIMI members have been overwhelmingly thrown out without conviction. Government is abusing its powers to demoralize Muslim agitators, who are merely agitating for their constitutional rights. It exposes the cowardice of the agencies that now they have resorted to planting media stories without having to face accountability. But justice is not dead in India, yet.

GHULAM MUHAMMED, Mumbai
<ghulammuhammed3@gmail.com>

------------

‘Simi front’ hosts Muslim scholars’ meet in Mumbai

Published: Sunday, Apr 22, 2012, 8:24 IST
 
By Iftikhar Gilani | Place: Mumbai | Agency: DNA

The Khair-e-Ummat Trust, which is organising the three-day convention of the All-India Muslim Personal Law Board (AIMPLB) in Mumbai, has been declared as one of the frontal organisations of the banned Students Islamic Movement of India (Simi) by the government in an affidavit filed before a judicial tribunal here earlier on Thursday.
The trust is among the 51 organisations the government believes are Simi fronts that aid the regrouping of its cadres to revive the banned outfit. The one-man justice VK Shali judicial tribunal began the hearing on the continuation of Simi ban last Wednesday.

A background note filed by the home ministry, the copy of which is with DNA, states that Simi has managed to keep its network alive through clandestine activities and frontal organisations. In Maharashtra, the documents listseight such organisations, with the Khair-e-Umaat Trust topping the order. Others from the state included Adara Khair-e-Ummat, Tehreek-e-Hayat-e-Ummat, Sabid Tulba Ki Tanzeen, Isla-e-Mashra, Fargen-e-Jamaat, Khidmat-Khalaq and Quran Foundation.

It also mentions Juhapura Youth Federation (Gujarat), Kurwai Sports Welfare Academy (MP) and Khizentul Kutubul Islamia (Karnataka) as Simi fronts.

Rejecting any linkages with the Simi, Khair-e-Ummat Trust secretary Ibrahim Khalil Abdi told DNA that they were engaged in providing scholarships, medical facilities and awareness campaigns about government schemes. “Those running the trust are reputed persons.”

“Our chairman Abdul Gani Attarwala is aged nearly 80 and vice-chairman Ali M Shams is also around 70. It is a big joke to link us with Simi,” says Abidi. He claimed their trust was registered with the government and even granted IT-exemption.

Further, the government document says the Simi activists have managed to enter political parties for putting pressure on government to lift ban. 

Moreso, it sympathisers of the SIMI from Jamia Millia Islamia, Hamdard University and JNU had arranged a meting in Delhi in December 2011 pledging they would do anything to get the Babri Masjid reconstructed at the very site.

Further, the three day convention of AIMPLB is scheduled to discuss Muslim responses to right to education, direct tax code, legacy rule in agricultural property and the latest government decision on registration of marriages.




-----

Host of Mumbai convention of AIMPLB a front of SIMI?

By Abu Zafar, TwoCircles.net,

New Delhi: Many of the participants of the ongoing convention of All India Muslim Personal Law Board in Mumbai may not know that the Khair-e-Ummat Trust, whom they were asked to contact is one of the “fronts/pseudonymous organizations of SIMI” if Central Government is to be believed. In fact, even the office bearers of the Khair-e-Ummat Trust are unaware that Union Home Ministry has listed them as a front organization of banned SIMI.

The letter issued by Maulana Syed Nizamuddin, General Secretary, All India Muslim Personal Law Board asks the invitees to contact the reception committee at the Khair-e-Ummat Trust’s office upon reaching Mumbai on April 20.

When Haroon Mozawalla, General Secretary of Khair-e-Ummat Trust, was contacted by the TCN, he expressed his surprise and said that he was not aware of any such accusation. He also said that he was neither contacted nor given any notice by any government authority.

“We are an independent trust and working in educational field since last 13 years and we don’t have any link with SIMI,” Mozawala told TCN.

According to the website of the Khair-e-Ummat Trust, it is involved in providing educational assistance, scholarships and financial helps to poor patients, admitted in various government hospitals in Mumbai.

The background note of the sixth ban on SIMI submitted by the Central Government to the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Tribunal headed by Justice V.K. Shali alleges, “There are over three dozen fronts/pseudonymous organizations of SIMI which are state specific and being used for carrying out its activities including collection of funds, circulation of literature, regrouping of cadres, etc.”

Khair-e-Ummat Trust has been listed as one such “front/pseudonymous organization” at serial number one under the head of Maharashtra. The background paper lists many other organizations in Kerala, Maharashtra, West Bengal, Bihar, Uttar Pradesh, Gujarat, Madhya Pradesh, Karnataka and Delhi.

The background note alleges that “SIMI regrouped its cadres and revived the organization through pseudonymous/front organizations, clandestine meetings and circulations of leaflets, posters and magazines.”

The total number of such alleged front/ pseudonymous organizations is 51 out of which four organizations have been alleged to function at all India level while remaining have been stated to be state specific. The background note gives names of such organizations.

Links:
http://khaire-e-ummat.org/
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