In a discussion entitled ''Islamic Terrorism?,'' the scholar Bernard Lewis emphasizes that there is nothing in Islam as a religion that is especially conducive to terrorism. Like the other great religions, it condemns the maltreatment of the innocent; from early on it laid down rules for the humane treatment of noncombatants during a war. And though it has always had a more explicitly political character than other religions, Islamic terrorism as practiced today is essentially an importation from the West.
Sunday, November 13, 2011
On Hindutva Politics and Terror - BOOK REVIEW by MAHTAB ALAM - Mainstream Magazine, NeW Delhi - INDIA
http://www.mainstreamweekly.
BOOK REVIEW
Godse’s Children: Hindutva Terror in India by Subhash Gatade; Pharos Media & Publishing Private Ltd, New Delhi; 2011; pp. 400; Price: Rs 360.
The Saffron Condition: Politics of Repression and Exclusion in Neoliberal India by Subhash Gatade; Three Essays Collective, Gurgaon; 2011; pp. X+475; Price: 500.
In December 2010, when Swami Aseemanand, a ‘former’ RSS pracharak and key functionary of the Sangh backed Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram, admitted before a Metropolitan Magistrate to have planned terror attacks on Ajmer Sharif, Mecca Masjid, Malegaon and the Samjhauta Express, it came as the official seal of the Hindutva terror network in India. In his confession, recorded under Section 164 of the Criminal Procedure Code (Cr.P.C.) before Metropolitan Magistrate Deepak Dabas at Tis Hazari Court, Delhi on December 18, he confessed that he and other Hindutva activists, were involved in bombings at Muslim religious places because they wanted to answer every Islamist terror act with “a bomb-for-bomb’’ policy. “I told everybody that bomb ka jawab bomb se dena chahiye (we should reply to bomb blasts with similar bomb blasts),” reads his 42-page confession. He categorically named (in his confession) the senior RSS leader, Indresh Kumar, the murdered RSS pracharaks Sunil Joshi, Sadhvi Pragya Singh Thakur and senior RSS pracharaks Sandeep Dange and Ramji Kalsangra, among others, as being key conspirators in the terror blasts.
What is to be noted here is that this was not a ‘confession’ that the police forces are known for—the forced kind of confession, which is not admissible in the court. Rather, it was a voluntary one, in the wake of a Hirday Parivartan or change of heart and made before the Magistrate under Section 164 of the Cr.P.C., which is also considered as evidence.
However, the question arises: should we take this as an exception or an ‘individual’ act of terror, as often argued by the Sangh leaders? Would it be proper to believe that the Parivar people were unaware of their fellow activist’s actions, given the hierarchical and disciplined nature of the Parivar? The books under discussion ably answer these questions.
Subhash Gatade, as many of us would know, is one of the foremost independent journalists and long-time activist of human rights and social justice. He has been writing constantly and consistently about Hindutva politics, terror and issues of repression and exclusion.
Over a period of more than two decades, he has followed many cases and written on them extensively. In his two books released, he deals with the above subject at great length and reveals important facts about the Hindutva forces, its allies, network, politics and agendas—both short and long-term. While the first book, Godse’s Children: Hindutva Terror in India, focuses on the terrorist activities of the Sangh and its allies, the second book, The Saffron Condition: Politics of Repression and Exclusion in Neo-Liberal India, essentially deals with the policies and politics of the Hindutva outfits. The writer in these two important works also outlines the various processes adopted by these forces in persuasion of their long-term agenda—establishment of a Hindu Rashtra.
After reading these two books one would find it to be a gross underestimation, in fact criminal negligence, if one thought these to be individual acts and the first terrorist activity planned and carried out by the Sangh and its ilk. Because the politics of hate and terror were never absent from the Sangh Parivar’s system. “The tag of terrorism,” as rightly pointed out by Dr Shamsul Islam, who is an authority on Hindutva politics in India, “is not something new.” The history of the anti-national and terrorist activities of the RSS is very long and can be traced to its roots. It is because of its activities that the RSS and its network have been repeatedly censured by umpteen numbers of commissions of inquiry for its complicity in communal violence and terrorist activities. The first of these incidents can be traced way back to June 1934, when the first attempt to kill Mahatma Gandhi was made by the Hindutva fanatics in Pune. It is also an established fact that the first terrorist act in independent India, the killing of Mahtama Gandhi, was carried out by none other than a ‘former’ pracharak of the RSS, Nathuram Godse.
•
IN Godse’s Children, tracing the historical background and ideological foundation, the author points out: “Commission after commission have blamed RSS and its affiliated organisations for their participation in different riots across the length and breadth of the country…but that was different from the confession—about organising terror acts—before a judicial magis-trate by one amongst them.” (p. 32) Ana-lysing the RSS chief’s claim, terrorism and Hindus are oxymorons, Subhash Gatade says: “The thesis of the ‘oxymoron’ has shades of the concept of the Supreme Hindu race emanating from it.” He further writes: “In fact, it can also be interpreted as an indirect admission that whereas Hindus and terrorism are incompatible with each other, terrorism easily gels with non-Hindu religions and communities. Definitely, this is a very dangerous statement to make, not only because it is not based on facts but because it also tries to denigrate every other community and religion, and also because it tries to terrorise them. It can, thus, be seen as a poor attempt to deflect attention from the umpteen crimes committed by Hindu fanatics.“ (p. 71)
On the Hindutvaisation of the military forces, while discussing the case of Col. Purohit, the author notes: “Involvement of military personnel in such activities can happen in multiple ways: i. ideological; ii. direct participation; iii. in the role of facilitator. While people like Purohit could be categorised as ‘direct participants’ in such activities, it can be easily guessed that there might be many more of his ilk who may not have played any direct role in such activities, but would have acted as facilitators and ideological input-givers to the project.” (p. 135) To substantiate his claim, the writer quotes the former Naval Chief, Admiral Vishnu Bhagwat, who says: “There’s a clear majoritarian view in the military. The RSS has always had an agenda to infiltrate the armed forces, the intelligence services and the bureaucracy.” (p. 136)
The author in this book proficiently documents hundreds of cases of Hindutva terror carried out in different parts of India and concludes: “…if the political leadership, intelligence agencies and the police were interested, it would have been possible to avoid many innocent deaths at the hands of self-proclaimed pioneers of Hindu Rashtra trying their best to turn the dreams of Savarkar, Hedegawar and Golwakar in to reality.” (p. 187)
While dealing with the global dimensions of Hindutva forces, Gatade points out that “…for quite sometime, Hindutva extremists in Nepal have maintained close relations with extremist forces on the Indian side of the border. This relationship had blossomed during the colonial period in India itself, when one found elements belonging to the RSS or Hindu Mahasabha frequenting Nepal or using its example to demonstrate their ‘model state’. For the Sangh Parivar, Nepal happened to be the only state in the world where the ‘one nation, one people, one culture’ weltanschauung of Hindu Rastra was already in place.”(p. 251)
In this section, the author also deals with the role of the Israeli Intelligence agency, Mossad. Towards the end of the book, while concluding, the author seeks our urgent attention and action as he demands: “A lot depends upon the way the secular forces react to the ongoing investi-gations. Whether they would focus themselves on the role of the State only, and confine them-selves to issuing statements and appearing in talk shows only, or they are ready to take up the gauntlet thrown by the challenges of Hindutva Terror in a more militant and creative way that would be the deciding factor”. (p. 318)
•
THE Saffron Condition: Politics of Repression and Exclusion in Neo-libral India is divided into three main sections, namely, Saffronisation and the Neolibral State, Logic of Caste in New India, and State and Human Rights. The book deals with the day-to-day and larger politics of the Hindutva outfits. While the first section of this book is most of what is discussed in Godse’s Children, the section on ‘The Saffron Condition’ is a very crucial one. In this section, the author outlines the politics of repression and exclusion with the marginalised sections of the society especially Dalits, despite the constitutional safeguards.
The author notes: “It is a tragedy of our times that in India, more than sixty years after independence, the age old exclusivist mind-set which stunted the growth of our society, remains unchanged. It is a mind-set based on the notions of purity and pollution, which has helped strengthen the structured hierarchy in our society, and claims religious sanction as well.” (p. 9).
Going into the historical details of ‘merit’, on an earlier point he writes: “The manner in which the reservation discourse has developed in our society reflects a very static understanding of merit. Interestingly, all those who have become upholders of the ‘merit mantra’ would be shocked to find how badly their own forefathers and foremothers fared when they took their first hesitant steps in the education system initiated by the British. The very genesis of third division in education in the Madras Presidency College way back in first part of the nineteenth century was necessitated by the large number of failures amongst the students, most of them upper caste (Tamil Brahmans), who were unable to pass their examinations in first and second divisions.” (pp. 7-8)
Linking Hindutva politics with the neo-liberal paradigm of development, the author comments: “The growing dominance of the highly regressive and reactionary Hindutva politics appears more striking if we consider the simple fact that Gujarat is supposed to be a more ‘advanced State’ of the Indian Union, recognised for its progress in the economic sphere. It has awell-developed middle class. In so far as foreign direct investment is concerned, it stands at number two in being able to attract foreign direct investment. The enterprising nature of the Guajarati elite is also noticeable in that many of the noveau riche from the farming sector have made inroads in the urban sector…Of course this elaboration of the dynamic Gujarati society would be incomplete if we do not focus on the ‘other Gujarat’ which exhibits the underlying social tensions not normally visible. Apart from the overtly visible violence, the invisible violence takes up myriad forms.” (p. 229) Explaining the role of courts and other apparatus of the state in the era of neo-liberalism, the author notes: “In the era of LPG (Liberalisation, Globalisation and Privatisation) and triumphalism of the market, one is not very surprised to see the judiciary becoming more and more insensitive to the rights of the marginalised and the underprivileged, whether it is the workers in a polluting industry or squatters in one of those sprawling slums.” (p. 428)
While these two books inform us, they are instructive as well and place a great responsi-bility before all of those who wish to create an egalitarian, just and equitable society. A must read for all kinds of activists, human rights and social justice campaigners, students of social sciences, especially those of sociology and political sciences. Those working on Communalism, Terrorism and Caste issues can hardly afford to miss these.
Mainstream, VOL XLIX, No 47, November 12, 2011
On Hindutva Politics and Terror
BOOK REVIEW
by MAHTAB ALAM
Godse’s Children: Hindutva Terror in India by Subhash Gatade; Pharos Media & Publishing Private Ltd, New Delhi; 2011; pp. 400; Price: Rs 360.
The Saffron Condition: Politics of Repression and Exclusion in Neoliberal India by Subhash Gatade; Three Essays Collective, Gurgaon; 2011; pp. X+475; Price: 500.
In December 2010, when Swami Aseemanand, a ‘former’ RSS pracharak and key functionary of the Sangh backed Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram, admitted before a Metropolitan Magistrate to have planned terror attacks on Ajmer Sharif, Mecca Masjid, Malegaon and the Samjhauta Express, it came as the official seal of the Hindutva terror network in India. In his confession, recorded under Section 164 of the Criminal Procedure Code (Cr.P.C.) before Metropolitan Magistrate Deepak Dabas at Tis Hazari Court, Delhi on December 18, he confessed that he and other Hindutva activists, were involved in bombings at Muslim religious places because they wanted to answer every Islamist terror act with “a bomb-for-bomb’’ policy. “I told everybody that bomb ka jawab bomb se dena chahiye (we should reply to bomb blasts with similar bomb blasts),” reads his 42-page confession. He categorically named (in his confession) the senior RSS leader, Indresh Kumar, the murdered RSS pracharaks Sunil Joshi, Sadhvi Pragya Singh Thakur and senior RSS pracharaks Sandeep Dange and Ramji Kalsangra, among others, as being key conspirators in the terror blasts.
What is to be noted here is that this was not a ‘confession’ that the police forces are known for—the forced kind of confession, which is not admissible in the court. Rather, it was a voluntary one, in the wake of a Hirday Parivartan or change of heart and made before the Magistrate under Section 164 of the Cr.P.C., which is also considered as evidence.
However, the question arises: should we take this as an exception or an ‘individual’ act of terror, as often argued by the Sangh leaders? Would it be proper to believe that the Parivar people were unaware of their fellow activist’s actions, given the hierarchical and disciplined nature of the Parivar? The books under discussion ably answer these questions.
Subhash Gatade, as many of us would know, is one of the foremost independent journalists and long-time activist of human rights and social justice. He has been writing constantly and consistently about Hindutva politics, terror and issues of repression and exclusion.
Over a period of more than two decades, he has followed many cases and written on them extensively. In his two books released, he deals with the above subject at great length and reveals important facts about the Hindutva forces, its allies, network, politics and agendas—both short and long-term. While the first book, Godse’s Children: Hindutva Terror in India, focuses on the terrorist activities of the Sangh and its allies, the second book, The Saffron Condition: Politics of Repression and Exclusion in Neo-Liberal India, essentially deals with the policies and politics of the Hindutva outfits. The writer in these two important works also outlines the various processes adopted by these forces in persuasion of their long-term agenda—establishment of a Hindu Rashtra.
After reading these two books one would find it to be a gross underestimation, in fact criminal negligence, if one thought these to be individual acts and the first terrorist activity planned and carried out by the Sangh and its ilk. Because the politics of hate and terror were never absent from the Sangh Parivar’s system. “The tag of terrorism,” as rightly pointed out by Dr Shamsul Islam, who is an authority on Hindutva politics in India, “is not something new.” The history of the anti-national and terrorist activities of the RSS is very long and can be traced to its roots. It is because of its activities that the RSS and its network have been repeatedly censured by umpteen numbers of commissions of inquiry for its complicity in communal violence and terrorist activities. The first of these incidents can be traced way back to June 1934, when the first attempt to kill Mahatma Gandhi was made by the Hindutva fanatics in Pune. It is also an established fact that the first terrorist act in independent India, the killing of Mahtama Gandhi, was carried out by none other than a ‘former’ pracharak of the RSS, Nathuram Godse.
•
IN Godse’s Children, tracing the historical background and ideological foundation, the author points out: “Commission after commission have blamed RSS and its affiliated organisations for their participation in different riots across the length and breadth of the country…but that was different from the confession—about organising terror acts—before a judicial magis-trate by one amongst them.” (p. 32) Ana-lysing the RSS chief’s claim, terrorism and Hindus are oxymorons, Subhash Gatade says: “The thesis of the ‘oxymoron’ has shades of the concept of the Supreme Hindu race emanating from it.” He further writes: “In fact, it can also be interpreted as an indirect admission that whereas Hindus and terrorism are incompatible with each other, terrorism easily gels with non-Hindu religions and communities. Definitely, this is a very dangerous statement to make, not only because it is not based on facts but because it also tries to denigrate every other community and religion, and also because it tries to terrorise them. It can, thus, be seen as a poor attempt to deflect attention from the umpteen crimes committed by Hindu fanatics.“ (p. 71)
On the Hindutvaisation of the military forces, while discussing the case of Col. Purohit, the author notes: “Involvement of military personnel in such activities can happen in multiple ways: i. ideological; ii. direct participation; iii. in the role of facilitator. While people like Purohit could be categorised as ‘direct participants’ in such activities, it can be easily guessed that there might be many more of his ilk who may not have played any direct role in such activities, but would have acted as facilitators and ideological input-givers to the project.” (p. 135) To substantiate his claim, the writer quotes the former Naval Chief, Admiral Vishnu Bhagwat, who says: “There’s a clear majoritarian view in the military. The RSS has always had an agenda to infiltrate the armed forces, the intelligence services and the bureaucracy.” (p. 136)
The author in this book proficiently documents hundreds of cases of Hindutva terror carried out in different parts of India and concludes: “…if the political leadership, intelligence agencies and the police were interested, it would have been possible to avoid many innocent deaths at the hands of self-proclaimed pioneers of Hindu Rashtra trying their best to turn the dreams of Savarkar, Hedegawar and Golwakar in to reality.” (p. 187)
While dealing with the global dimensions of Hindutva forces, Gatade points out that “…for quite sometime, Hindutva extremists in Nepal have maintained close relations with extremist forces on the Indian side of the border. This relationship had blossomed during the colonial period in India itself, when one found elements belonging to the RSS or Hindu Mahasabha frequenting Nepal or using its example to demonstrate their ‘model state’. For the Sangh Parivar, Nepal happened to be the only state in the world where the ‘one nation, one people, one culture’ weltanschauung of Hindu Rastra was already in place.”(p. 251)
In this section, the author also deals with the role of the Israeli Intelligence agency, Mossad. Towards the end of the book, while concluding, the author seeks our urgent attention and action as he demands: “A lot depends upon the way the secular forces react to the ongoing investi-gations. Whether they would focus themselves on the role of the State only, and confine them-selves to issuing statements and appearing in talk shows only, or they are ready to take up the gauntlet thrown by the challenges of Hindutva Terror in a more militant and creative way that would be the deciding factor”. (p. 318)
•
THE Saffron Condition: Politics of Repression and Exclusion in Neo-libral India is divided into three main sections, namely, Saffronisation and the Neolibral State, Logic of Caste in New India, and State and Human Rights. The book deals with the day-to-day and larger politics of the Hindutva outfits. While the first section of this book is most of what is discussed in Godse’s Children, the section on ‘The Saffron Condition’ is a very crucial one. In this section, the author outlines the politics of repression and exclusion with the marginalised sections of the society especially Dalits, despite the constitutional safeguards.
The author notes: “It is a tragedy of our times that in India, more than sixty years after independence, the age old exclusivist mind-set which stunted the growth of our society, remains unchanged. It is a mind-set based on the notions of purity and pollution, which has helped strengthen the structured hierarchy in our society, and claims religious sanction as well.” (p. 9).
Going into the historical details of ‘merit’, on an earlier point he writes: “The manner in which the reservation discourse has developed in our society reflects a very static understanding of merit. Interestingly, all those who have become upholders of the ‘merit mantra’ would be shocked to find how badly their own forefathers and foremothers fared when they took their first hesitant steps in the education system initiated by the British. The very genesis of third division in education in the Madras Presidency College way back in first part of the nineteenth century was necessitated by the large number of failures amongst the students, most of them upper caste (Tamil Brahmans), who were unable to pass their examinations in first and second divisions.” (pp. 7-8)
Linking Hindutva politics with the neo-liberal paradigm of development, the author comments: “The growing dominance of the highly regressive and reactionary Hindutva politics appears more striking if we consider the simple fact that Gujarat is supposed to be a more ‘advanced State’ of the Indian Union, recognised for its progress in the economic sphere. It has awell-developed middle class. In so far as foreign direct investment is concerned, it stands at number two in being able to attract foreign direct investment. The enterprising nature of the Guajarati elite is also noticeable in that many of the noveau riche from the farming sector have made inroads in the urban sector…Of course this elaboration of the dynamic Gujarati society would be incomplete if we do not focus on the ‘other Gujarat’ which exhibits the underlying social tensions not normally visible. Apart from the overtly visible violence, the invisible violence takes up myriad forms.” (p. 229) Explaining the role of courts and other apparatus of the state in the era of neo-liberalism, the author notes: “In the era of LPG (Liberalisation, Globalisation and Privatisation) and triumphalism of the market, one is not very surprised to see the judiciary becoming more and more insensitive to the rights of the marginalised and the underprivileged, whether it is the workers in a polluting industry or squatters in one of those sprawling slums.” (p. 428)
While these two books inform us, they are instructive as well and place a great responsi-bility before all of those who wish to create an egalitarian, just and equitable society. A must read for all kinds of activists, human rights and social justice campaigners, students of social sciences, especially those of sociology and political sciences. Those working on Communalism, Terrorism and Caste issues can hardly afford to miss these.
Saturday, November 12, 2011
Fwd: [Arkitect India] HOW THE MEDIA FOOLS US? By Soheb Lokhandwala
From: soheb lokhandwala <mpjmedia@gmail.com>
Date: Sat, Nov 12, 2011 at 5:27 PM
Subject: [Arkitect India] Are you outraged at the thought that the media passes off paid information as news?Do see the docu..
To: annaadhikarabhiyanmaharashtra@
How the media fools Us?
Are you outraged at the thought that the media passes off paid information as news?
Are you aware that this is happening routinely in political coverage, business, entertainment and sports?
If so, you must watch Umesh Aggarwal’s documentary, “Brokering News”. Produced by the Public Service Broadcasting Trust (PSBT) explores this alarming issue in depth, including the Niira Radia tapes.
Supported by well known industrialist Cyrus Guzder, Moneylife Foundation and the vCitizens Action Network are screening the film on 18th November, at Madame Cama Hall, Kala Ghoda.
The screening will be followed by a panel discussion, which will feature eminent journalists and activists like Umesh Aggarwal, Ayaz Memon, Paranjoy Guha Thakurta, Bhawana Somaaya, and Sucheta Dalal
Filmmaker: Umesh Aggarwal
Date: Friday, 18 November 2011
Registration and tea: 5:00pm
Session Time: 5:30pm – 7:30pm
5:00pm:
Registration & Tea
5:20pm – 5:30pm:
Introduction of the film and filmmaker
5:30pm – 6:30pm:
Screening of the film “Brokering News”
6:30pm – 7:30pm:
Discussion and interaction with
a short Vote of Thanks
Venue:
Madame Cama Hall,
KR Cama Hall Institute,
Bombay Samachar Marg,
Opp. Lion Gate, Kala Ghoda,
Mumbai–400023.
Admission: FREE
PLEASE REGISTER WELL IN ADVANCE
Contact details:
Call Judith/Seraphina on 022-24441058-60, or email us at mail@mlfoundation.in,
or log on to www.mlfoundation.in
About the film: The Delhi-based Public Service Broadcasting Trust (PSBT)* recently released a documentary titled "Brokering News—the inside story of paid news".
The film by Umesh Aggarwal addresses a significant challenge facing Indian democracy today—which is the state of its media. The film looks at three aspects of paid news—how politicians are paying for positive coverage during elections, with the result that those who don't pay are blanked out by the media; how the coverage and reviews of movies are orchestrated and paid for and of course, paid news about business and industry. It depicts in detail how journalists were forced to broker deals to offer editorial coverage to politicians.
*(PSBT): The Public Service Broadcasting Trust (PSBT) is a non-governmental, not-for-profit trust with the mission to create and sustain a credible space for public service broadcasting in India which is independent, participatory, pluralistic and democratic, distanced from commercial imperatives and state/political pressures. It works to mainstream Indian documentary and empower independent filmmakers. You can get more details of this organisation at www.psbt.org
Date: Sat, Nov 12, 2011 at 5:27 PM
Subject: [Arkitect India] Are you outraged at the thought that the media passes off paid information as news?Do see the docu..
To: annaadhikarabhiyanmaharashtra@
How the media fools Us?
Are you outraged at the thought that the media passes off paid information as news?
Are you aware that this is happening routinely in political coverage, business, entertainment and sports?
If so, you must watch Umesh Aggarwal’s documentary, “Brokering News”. Produced by the Public Service Broadcasting Trust (PSBT) explores this alarming issue in depth, including the Niira Radia tapes.
Supported by well known industrialist Cyrus Guzder, Moneylife Foundation and the vCitizens Action Network are screening the film on 18th November, at Madame Cama Hall, Kala Ghoda.
The screening will be followed by a panel discussion, which will feature eminent journalists and activists like Umesh Aggarwal, Ayaz Memon, Paranjoy Guha Thakurta, Bhawana Somaaya, and Sucheta Dalal
Filmmaker: Umesh Aggarwal
Date: Friday, 18 November 2011
Registration and tea: 5:00pm
Session Time: 5:30pm – 7:30pm
5:00pm:
Registration & Tea
5:20pm – 5:30pm:
Introduction of the film and filmmaker
5:30pm – 6:30pm:
Screening of the film “Brokering News”
6:30pm – 7:30pm:
Discussion and interaction with
a short Vote of Thanks
Venue:
Madame Cama Hall,
KR Cama Hall Institute,
Bombay Samachar Marg,
Opp. Lion Gate, Kala Ghoda,
Mumbai–400023.
Admission: FREE
PLEASE REGISTER WELL IN ADVANCE
Contact details:
Call Judith/Seraphina on 022-24441058-60, or email us at mail@mlfoundation.in,
or log on to www.mlfoundation.in
About the film: The Delhi-based Public Service Broadcasting Trust (PSBT)* recently released a documentary titled "Brokering News—the inside story of paid news".
The film by Umesh Aggarwal addresses a significant challenge facing Indian democracy today—which is the state of its media. The film looks at three aspects of paid news—how politicians are paying for positive coverage during elections, with the result that those who don't pay are blanked out by the media; how the coverage and reviews of movies are orchestrated and paid for and of course, paid news about business and industry. It depicts in detail how journalists were forced to broker deals to offer editorial coverage to politicians.
*(PSBT): The Public Service Broadcasting Trust (PSBT) is a non-governmental, not-for-profit trust with the mission to create and sustain a credible space for public service broadcasting in India which is independent, participatory, pluralistic and democratic, distanced from commercial imperatives and state/political pressures. It works to mainstream Indian documentary and empower independent filmmakers. You can get more details of this organisation at www.psbt.org
Arms and the Corrupt Man By Andrew Feinstein - The New York Times
Anna Hazare, the crusader against corruption, should not leave out Armament procurement and Defence establishment which the world over is the biggest source of corruption in the world. Even wars are deliberately started so that corrupt could make their pile of money.
GHULAM MUHAMMED, Mumbai<ghulammuhammed3@gmail.com>
------------------------------
http://www.nytimes.com/2011/
LAST week’s conviction of Viktor Bout, the so-called Merchant of Death, was a rare moment of triumph in the fight against the illicit arms trade.
But it points to the fundamental hypocrisy at the heart of the global trade in weapons: Governments protect corrupt and dangerous arms dealers as long as they need them and then throw them behind bars when they are no longer useful.
Arms deals stretch across a continuum of legality and ethics from the formal trade to the gray and black markets. In practice, the boundaries between the three markets are fuzzy.
With bribery and corruption de rigueur — a Transparency International study estimated that the arms trade accounted for almost 40 percent of corruption in all global trade — there are very few arms transactions that do not involve illegality, most often through middlemen, agents or dealers like Mr. Bout.
Mr. Bout made fortunes providing “transport and logistical” services — an oft-used euphemism favored by arms dealers — to conflict zones around the world on behalf of governments, the United Nations, large listed companies and myriad covert operators.
His clients included, among others, the Liberian dictator Charles Taylor, the Northern Alliance and then the Taliban in Afghanistan, a number of the protagonists in the Balkans, the Angolan government and its mortal enemy the Unita rebel movement, and all sides in the complex conflict that continues to rage in the Democratic Republic of Congo.
Mr. Bout clearly lived out the credo of the arms merchant: “Sell to anyone who can pay.”
In 2003, shortly after the invasion of Iraq, the American military faced a major problem getting supplies into Baghdad, as planes came under fire and landing conditions became treacherous. The United States and its contractors turned to a range of air cargo suppliers.
One of the most consistently used was Irbis Air — an airline owned by Mr. Bout. From 2003 to 2004 alone, Irbis Air conducted hundreds of runs to Baghdad and other Iraqi airports, carrying everything from boots to bullets.
Irbis Air landed in Baghdad 92 times between January and May 2004, while also conducting deliveries elsewhere in Iraq. Mr. Bout earned $60 million between 2003 and 2005 — in addition to the free fuel that the United States military gave to regular cargo operators.
Mr. Bout’s client list in Iraq made for intriguing and damning reading: The United States Air Mobility Command, Federal Express, Fluor and KBR, among others. At the time Mr. Bout was supposedly wanted by the F.B.I. and the C.I.A., as well as being the subject of an Interpol arrest warrant.
Mr. Bout and his airlines were also on the verge of being placed on an American Treasury Asset Freeze list and the Foreign Assets Control list, which outlaws the use of certain contractors. The United States military’s Central Command asked for a week’s delay. It was granted, allowing Mr. Bout to deliver a final shipment of arms and ammunition.
Clearly, years later, Washington decided that Mr. Bout’s evils outweighed his benefits, and so began the sting operation that ultimately netted the Russian in 2008.
But as his cell door clanks shut, it is crucial to remember that there are many Viktor Bouts out there, some protected by their own governments, or the governments and intelligence agencies to whom they are useful.
Governments must impose greater transparency on the use of middlemen, agents and brokers, including public disclosure of what they are paid and the details of the specific work they have undertaken. Much of this could be addressed by passing a robust version of the International Arms Trade Treaty currently being negotiated at the United Nations.
Similarly, banning the use of so-called economic offsets in procurement decisions — promises by arms manufacturers to invest in the buying country’s economy — would close down a major route of bribe payments.
And finally, given the close and complex relationships between defense contractors and arms dealers and governments and intelligence agencies, any party participating in arms deals should be banned from making political contributions — a practice that fuels corruption.
These changes require political will, which will materialize only if taxpayers who unwittingly bankroll the arms trade make clear to their elected representatives that current practices are unacceptable.
Until then, the arms trade will remain hidden behind a veil of national-security-imposed secrecy, continuing to undermine democratic accountability, the rule of law and sometimes even the very national security it is meant to bolster.
Andrew Feinstein, a former member of the South African Parliament, is the author of “The Shadow World: Inside the Global Arms Trade.”
GHULAM MUHAMMED, Mumbai<ghulammuhammed3@gmail.com>
------------------------------
http://www.nytimes.com/2011/
Op-Ed Contributor
Arms and the Corrupt Man
By ANDREW FEINSTEIN
Published: November 11, 2011
London
But it points to the fundamental hypocrisy at the heart of the global trade in weapons: Governments protect corrupt and dangerous arms dealers as long as they need them and then throw them behind bars when they are no longer useful.
Arms deals stretch across a continuum of legality and ethics from the formal trade to the gray and black markets. In practice, the boundaries between the three markets are fuzzy.
With bribery and corruption de rigueur — a Transparency International study estimated that the arms trade accounted for almost 40 percent of corruption in all global trade — there are very few arms transactions that do not involve illegality, most often through middlemen, agents or dealers like Mr. Bout.
Mr. Bout made fortunes providing “transport and logistical” services — an oft-used euphemism favored by arms dealers — to conflict zones around the world on behalf of governments, the United Nations, large listed companies and myriad covert operators.
His clients included, among others, the Liberian dictator Charles Taylor, the Northern Alliance and then the Taliban in Afghanistan, a number of the protagonists in the Balkans, the Angolan government and its mortal enemy the Unita rebel movement, and all sides in the complex conflict that continues to rage in the Democratic Republic of Congo.
Mr. Bout clearly lived out the credo of the arms merchant: “Sell to anyone who can pay.”
In 2003, shortly after the invasion of Iraq, the American military faced a major problem getting supplies into Baghdad, as planes came under fire and landing conditions became treacherous. The United States and its contractors turned to a range of air cargo suppliers.
One of the most consistently used was Irbis Air — an airline owned by Mr. Bout. From 2003 to 2004 alone, Irbis Air conducted hundreds of runs to Baghdad and other Iraqi airports, carrying everything from boots to bullets.
Irbis Air landed in Baghdad 92 times between January and May 2004, while also conducting deliveries elsewhere in Iraq. Mr. Bout earned $60 million between 2003 and 2005 — in addition to the free fuel that the United States military gave to regular cargo operators.
Mr. Bout’s client list in Iraq made for intriguing and damning reading: The United States Air Mobility Command, Federal Express, Fluor and KBR, among others. At the time Mr. Bout was supposedly wanted by the F.B.I. and the C.I.A., as well as being the subject of an Interpol arrest warrant.
Mr. Bout and his airlines were also on the verge of being placed on an American Treasury Asset Freeze list and the Foreign Assets Control list, which outlaws the use of certain contractors. The United States military’s Central Command asked for a week’s delay. It was granted, allowing Mr. Bout to deliver a final shipment of arms and ammunition.
Clearly, years later, Washington decided that Mr. Bout’s evils outweighed his benefits, and so began the sting operation that ultimately netted the Russian in 2008.
But as his cell door clanks shut, it is crucial to remember that there are many Viktor Bouts out there, some protected by their own governments, or the governments and intelligence agencies to whom they are useful.
Governments must impose greater transparency on the use of middlemen, agents and brokers, including public disclosure of what they are paid and the details of the specific work they have undertaken. Much of this could be addressed by passing a robust version of the International Arms Trade Treaty currently being negotiated at the United Nations.
Similarly, banning the use of so-called economic offsets in procurement decisions — promises by arms manufacturers to invest in the buying country’s economy — would close down a major route of bribe payments.
And finally, given the close and complex relationships between defense contractors and arms dealers and governments and intelligence agencies, any party participating in arms deals should be banned from making political contributions — a practice that fuels corruption.
These changes require political will, which will materialize only if taxpayers who unwittingly bankroll the arms trade make clear to their elected representatives that current practices are unacceptable.
Until then, the arms trade will remain hidden behind a veil of national-security-imposed secrecy, continuing to undermine democratic accountability, the rule of law and sometimes even the very national security it is meant to bolster.
Andrew Feinstein, a former member of the South African Parliament, is the author of “The Shadow World: Inside the Global Arms Trade.”
Thursday, November 10, 2011
A GREAT DAY FOR JUSTICE - By Ghulam Muhammed
A GREAT DAY FOR JUSTICE
A GREAT DAY FOR JUSTICE IN THE LONG HISTORY OF COMMUNAL RIOTS IN INDIA, WHERE THE CULPRITS AND MASTERMINDS OF GENOCIDAL ATROCITIES AGAINST MUSLIMS WERE NEVER IDENTIFIED, CAUGHT, PROSECUTED AND/ OR IF CHARGED, ALWAYS FREED FOR LACK OF EVIDENCE. THIS IS THE FIRST TIME THAT JUDICIARY HAS TAKEN UP THE CHALLENGE OF OVERSEEING THAT PROSECUTION IS MANAGED PROPERLY, FAIRLY AND WITHOUT ANY BIAS AND PREJUDICE, WITHOUT ANY FEAR OR FAVOUR. THE 33 MUSLIMS BURNED ALIVE IN A GUJARAT VILLAGE BY LANDLORDS OF THE PATEL COMMUNITY IN A MOST HIGH-HANDED SPREE OF REVENGE KILLINGS OF INNOCENT LANDLESS LABOURER CLASS, TO 'TEACH THEM A LESSON' HAD FOR THE FIRST TIME FACED LIFE LONG PRISON TERMS AND VISIBLY BROKE DOWN. THEY HAD NEVER EXPECTED THAT IN THE HIGHLY COMMUNALIZED RULE OF THE HINDUTVA LEADER, GUJARAT CHIEF MINISTER NARENDRA MODI, JUSTICE WILL EVER PASS THROUGH THEIR VILLAGE. EVEN TODAY, MEDIA, EXCEPT FOR INDIAN EXPRESS NEWSPAPER, IS RELUCTANT TO HIGHLIGHT THAT THOSE THAT WERE BURNED WERE MUSLIMS. THAT WILL SQUARELY PLACE THOSE DIPLOMATIC MEDIA THAT APPARENTLY SYMPATHIZED WITH THE HINDUTVA EXTREMISTS, AS ACCESSORY TO THE CRIMES SO AUDACIOUSLY COMMITTED, WITH ABSOLUTE SENSE OF IMPUNITY.
Times of India is reluctant to identify the culprits and victims as Hindus and Muslims respectively, with the pious covering of the agonizing truth in the name of secularism and communal harmony.
Ghulam Muhammed, Mumbai
<ghulammuhammed3@gmail.com>
The Hindu
Editorial
No Room for Mob Violence
The special trial court in Gujarat has established a principle which will hopefully hold in other cases of mass murder: a mob comprises individuals who commit crimes and are accountable. In giving a life term to 31 people for burning alive 33 Muslims in Sardarpura village in Gujarat during the riots of 2002, it has at least brought some closure to one of the major riot cases — Godhra being the foremost — that was given over to the Special Investigation Team. We have seen that following the riots, investigation processes have rarely been able to come up with specific names of those individuals who carried out the murders, arson or looting. This has led to a situation where after the anti-Sikh riot cases, which left 2,733 people dead, only 25 have so far been convicted. In the Sardarpura violence, a mob of over 500 people surrounded a predominantly Muslim village and attacked the only 'pucca' house there where people had taken shelter. Not content with setting fire to the house, the mob electrocuted some of the victims comprising women and minors.
This verdict is the first step to putting a face to those who commit heinous crimes under guise of being part of a mob. It also does not accept that such violence is part of a spontaneous reaction to an alleged provocation as happened in the case of Godhra that triggered off the fateful riots in which over 1,200 people, mainly Muslims, died in Gujarat. In the case of mob violence, it is extremely difficult to affix culpability or indeed even gather evidence. Much of the evidence has to be based on witnesses who, as we have seen in several riot cases, are intimidated by the perpetrators, or even the State as alleged in the case of Gujarat. There are several unresolved riot cases pending in India: Bhiwandi, Moradabad, Delhi and, of course, Gujarat. The idea that individuals can get away with murder by being part of a mob goes against all our notions of jurisprudence. We have seen the horror of family members of victims of mob violence having to live in proximity with those who have been the aggressors, even murderers.
The Sardarpura verdict is the second major success in the fight for justice in Gujarat, thanks to a vigilant and proactive judiciary. We can only hope that the State takes serious note of this verdict and also initiates moves to try and rehabilitate those who have suffered the loss of the family's breadwinners or loved ones, who have lost their homes, their livelihoods, their dignity in the riots which have plagued India over the years. Sardarpura will send out, we are sure, a signal, that no one can take refuge in a mob or profess to a spontaneous rage to commit that most unacceptable of crimes: murder.
--
Peace Is Doable
A GREAT DAY FOR JUSTICE IN THE LONG HISTORY OF COMMUNAL RIOTS IN INDIA, WHERE THE CULPRITS AND MASTERMINDS OF GENOCIDAL ATROCITIES AGAINST MUSLIMS WERE NEVER IDENTIFIED, CAUGHT, PROSECUTED AND/ OR IF CHARGED, ALWAYS FREED FOR LACK OF EVIDENCE. THIS IS THE FIRST TIME THAT JUDICIARY HAS TAKEN UP THE CHALLENGE OF OVERSEEING THAT PROSECUTION IS MANAGED PROPERLY, FAIRLY AND WITHOUT ANY BIAS AND PREJUDICE, WITHOUT ANY FEAR OR FAVOUR. THE 33 MUSLIMS BURNED ALIVE IN A GUJARAT VILLAGE BY LANDLORDS OF THE PATEL COMMUNITY IN A MOST HIGH-HANDED SPREE OF REVENGE KILLINGS OF INNOCENT LANDLESS LABOURER CLASS, TO 'TEACH THEM A LESSON' HAD FOR THE FIRST TIME FACED LIFE LONG PRISON TERMS AND VISIBLY BROKE DOWN. THEY HAD NEVER EXPECTED THAT IN THE HIGHLY COMMUNALIZED RULE OF THE HINDUTVA LEADER, GUJARAT CHIEF MINISTER NARENDRA MODI, JUSTICE WILL EVER PASS THROUGH THEIR VILLAGE. EVEN TODAY, MEDIA, EXCEPT FOR INDIAN EXPRESS NEWSPAPER, IS RELUCTANT TO HIGHLIGHT THAT THOSE THAT WERE BURNED WERE MUSLIMS. THAT WILL SQUARELY PLACE THOSE DIPLOMATIC MEDIA THAT APPARENTLY SYMPATHIZED WITH THE HINDUTVA EXTREMISTS, AS ACCESSORY TO THE CRIMES SO AUDACIOUSLY COMMITTED, WITH ABSOLUTE SENSE OF IMPUNITY.
Times of India is reluctant to identify the culprits and victims as Hindus and Muslims respectively, with the pious covering of the agonizing truth in the name of secularism and communal harmony.
Ghulam Muhammed, Mumbai
<ghulammuhammed3@gmail.com>
---------- Forwarded message ----------
From: Sukla Sen <sukla.sen@gmail.com>
Date: Fri, Nov 11, 2011 at 10:22 AM
Subject: [GreenYouth] Editorials on the SARDARPURA Judgement
From: Sukla Sen <sukla.sen@gmail.com>
Date: Fri, Nov 11, 2011 at 10:22 AM
Subject: [GreenYouth] Editorials on the SARDARPURA Judgement
I/III.
http://timesofindia.
A Good Judgment
Nov 11, 2011, 12.00AM ISTGiven the impunity generally enjoyed by perpetrators of communal violence, the imposition of life sentence on 31 rioters for burning alive 33 Muslim victims in Sardarpura in the 2002 Gujarat riots is a milestone in India's history. If the signal goes out that those responsible for heinous communal massacres do not enjoy immunity from prosecution, that in itself will have a salutary effect in curbing their incidence. It's safe to say that with a few verdicts like this the country will have made a dent in controlling communal riots, and therefore dramatically improved its record of upholding human rights.
Thanks to the Supreme Court's tenacity, the country has come a long way from the shame in the Best Bakery case when in 2003 all the 21 accused were acquitted after eyewitnesses turned hostile. If the prejudicial environment created by chief minister Narendra Modi's rule could not much affect the outcome of the Sardarpura case, it is mainly due to the activism displayed by the apex court in monitoring the investigation and trial of this and eight other high-profile cases. The special protection given to witnesses by a central paramilitary force played a crucial role in securing convictions in the Sardarpura case against heavy odds.
Though the Supreme Court-appointed special investigation team (SIT) claimed credit for the breakthrough, it had actually brought to book only two of the 31 convicts and had failed to convince the court that the burning of the victims, largely women and children, had been the result of a conspiracy rather than a spontaneous act, despite the formidable evidence available to it. The judgment comes at a time when the credibility of the SIT has taken a beating, for the manner in which it has been dragging its feet on Zakia Jafri's complaint against Modi and 61 other high-ups. The SIT is under pressure because of the report given by amicus curiae Raju Ramachandran, another appointee of the Supreme Court, stating that the allegation of complicity made against Modi by suspended police officer Sanjiv Bhatt required to be placed before the trial court and tested through cross-examination of all the officers present at the fateful meeting of February 27, 2002.
It would have surely been in the spirit of Modi's sadbhavna fasts if he had displayed the sagacity to welcome the Sardarpura convictions as a vindication of the rule of law. His silence explains why, even after a decade, the survivors of Sardarpura are unable to return to their homes. The struggle for reparation and restitution is far from over. Nevertheless, the Sardarpura judgment is a good beginning.
II.
Thanks to the Supreme Court's tenacity, the country has come a long way from the shame in the Best Bakery case when in 2003 all the 21 accused were acquitted after eyewitnesses turned hostile. If the prejudicial environment created by chief minister Narendra Modi's rule could not much affect the outcome of the Sardarpura case, it is mainly due to the activism displayed by the apex court in monitoring the investigation and trial of this and eight other high-profile cases. The special protection given to witnesses by a central paramilitary force played a crucial role in securing convictions in the Sardarpura case against heavy odds.
Though the Supreme Court-appointed special investigation team (SIT) claimed credit for the breakthrough, it had actually brought to book only two of the 31 convicts and had failed to convince the court that the burning of the victims, largely women and children, had been the result of a conspiracy rather than a spontaneous act, despite the formidable evidence available to it. The judgment comes at a time when the credibility of the SIT has taken a beating, for the manner in which it has been dragging its feet on Zakia Jafri's complaint against Modi and 61 other high-ups. The SIT is under pressure because of the report given by amicus curiae Raju Ramachandran, another appointee of the Supreme Court, stating that the allegation of complicity made against Modi by suspended police officer Sanjiv Bhatt required to be placed before the trial court and tested through cross-examination of all the officers present at the fateful meeting of February 27, 2002.
It would have surely been in the spirit of Modi's sadbhavna fasts if he had displayed the sagacity to welcome the Sardarpura convictions as a vindication of the rule of law. His silence explains why, even after a decade, the survivors of Sardarpura are unable to return to their homes. The struggle for reparation and restitution is far from over. Nevertheless, the Sardarpura judgment is a good beginning.
II.
The Hindu
Editorial
http://www.thehindu.com/
In a historic first, a special court in Gujarat has convicted and awarded life sentences to as many as 31 mostly high caste, landed Patels for burning alive 33 Muslims — the majority of them women and children — of Sardarpura village in Mehsana district. The village was among numerous Muslim habitations targeted across the State by irate Hindu mobs as part of a pogrom ruthlessly executed in the aftermath of the February 27, 2002 Godhra train carnage. The rioters locked the victims in a cramped room and set it on fire, suggesting that they wanted a repeat of the Godhra horror. In handing out exemplary punishment to the murderers, the court has sent out a strong message that perpetrators of communal violence cannot get away lightly and, indeed, that the judgment is a critical step in the reversal of the pattern of administrative and judicial inaction seen in such cases so far. Sardarpura is a legal trendsetter in many ways. It is the first of nine post-Godhra riots cases prosecuted by a Special Investigation Team appointed by the Supreme Court, which in another remarkable initiative aimed at securing justice for the pogrom victims, also supervised the setting up of a string of fast-track trial courts.
It cannot be overemphasised that the pogrom-related cases came under the watch of the Supreme Court following complaints that the Gujarat police, itself perceived to be complicit in the riots, was deliberately lethargic in booking and prosecuting the accused. As the highest court in the land observed in an interim order, “the need for early completion of sensitive cases, more particularly in cases involving communal disturbances, cannot be overstated.” In the Sardarpura case, during the course of the trial, the SIT twice amplified the list of accused through additional charge sheets, taking the total number to 76. However, in a blow to the families of the victims, the court has acquitted 42 of them.
The SIT also failed to prove the charge of conspiracy. But easily the most significant aspect of the case — which ought to have a decisive bearing on how future communal cases are fought — relates to the emphasis laid during the trial on protection of witnesses. The Supreme Court's directive to the SIT to provide tamper-proof cover to witnesses ensured that they were able to testify without fear of reprisals. Its instructions to the trial courts to deal “sternly” with any disturbances that might be created to “terrorise witnesses” strengthened the cause of justice. It is now the turn of the central government — which for some inexplicable reason put on hold the comprehensive architecture laid out by the 17th Law Commission in its report on ‘Witness Identity Protection' — to act.
A milestone verdict
In a historic first, a special court in Gujarat has convicted and awarded life sentences to as many as 31 mostly high caste, landed Patels for burning alive 33 Muslims — the majority of them women and children — of Sardarpura village in Mehsana district. The village was among numerous Muslim habitations targeted across the State by irate Hindu mobs as part of a pogrom ruthlessly executed in the aftermath of the February 27, 2002 Godhra train carnage. The rioters locked the victims in a cramped room and set it on fire, suggesting that they wanted a repeat of the Godhra horror. In handing out exemplary punishment to the murderers, the court has sent out a strong message that perpetrators of communal violence cannot get away lightly and, indeed, that the judgment is a critical step in the reversal of the pattern of administrative and judicial inaction seen in such cases so far. Sardarpura is a legal trendsetter in many ways. It is the first of nine post-Godhra riots cases prosecuted by a Special Investigation Team appointed by the Supreme Court, which in another remarkable initiative aimed at securing justice for the pogrom victims, also supervised the setting up of a string of fast-track trial courts.
It cannot be overemphasised that the pogrom-related cases came under the watch of the Supreme Court following complaints that the Gujarat police, itself perceived to be complicit in the riots, was deliberately lethargic in booking and prosecuting the accused. As the highest court in the land observed in an interim order, “the need for early completion of sensitive cases, more particularly in cases involving communal disturbances, cannot be overstated.” In the Sardarpura case, during the course of the trial, the SIT twice amplified the list of accused through additional charge sheets, taking the total number to 76. However, in a blow to the families of the victims, the court has acquitted 42 of them.
The SIT also failed to prove the charge of conspiracy. But easily the most significant aspect of the case — which ought to have a decisive bearing on how future communal cases are fought — relates to the emphasis laid during the trial on protection of witnesses. The Supreme Court's directive to the SIT to provide tamper-proof cover to witnesses ensured that they were able to testify without fear of reprisals. Its instructions to the trial courts to deal “sternly” with any disturbances that might be created to “terrorise witnesses” strengthened the cause of justice. It is now the turn of the central government — which for some inexplicable reason put on hold the comprehensive architecture laid out by the 17th Law Commission in its report on ‘Witness Identity Protection' — to act.
III.
No Room for Mob Violence
The special trial court in Gujarat has established a principle which will hopefully hold in other cases of mass murder: a mob comprises individuals who commit crimes and are accountable. In giving a life term to 31 people for burning alive 33 Muslims in Sardarpura village in Gujarat during the riots of 2002, it has at least brought some closure to one of the major riot cases — Godhra being the foremost — that was given over to the Special Investigation Team. We have seen that following the riots, investigation processes have rarely been able to come up with specific names of those individuals who carried out the murders, arson or looting. This has led to a situation where after the anti-Sikh riot cases, which left 2,733 people dead, only 25 have so far been convicted. In the Sardarpura violence, a mob of over 500 people surrounded a predominantly Muslim village and attacked the only 'pucca' house there where people had taken shelter. Not content with setting fire to the house, the mob electrocuted some of the victims comprising women and minors.
This verdict is the first step to putting a face to those who commit heinous crimes under guise of being part of a mob. It also does not accept that such violence is part of a spontaneous reaction to an alleged provocation as happened in the case of Godhra that triggered off the fateful riots in which over 1,200 people, mainly Muslims, died in Gujarat. In the case of mob violence, it is extremely difficult to affix culpability or indeed even gather evidence. Much of the evidence has to be based on witnesses who, as we have seen in several riot cases, are intimidated by the perpetrators, or even the State as alleged in the case of Gujarat. There are several unresolved riot cases pending in India: Bhiwandi, Moradabad, Delhi and, of course, Gujarat. The idea that individuals can get away with murder by being part of a mob goes against all our notions of jurisprudence. We have seen the horror of family members of victims of mob violence having to live in proximity with those who have been the aggressors, even murderers.
The Sardarpura verdict is the second major success in the fight for justice in Gujarat, thanks to a vigilant and proactive judiciary. We can only hope that the State takes serious note of this verdict and also initiates moves to try and rehabilitate those who have suffered the loss of the family's breadwinners or loved ones, who have lost their homes, their livelihoods, their dignity in the riots which have plagued India over the years. Sardarpura will send out, we are sure, a signal, that no one can take refuge in a mob or profess to a spontaneous rage to commit that most unacceptable of crimes: murder.
Peace Is Doable
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