Monday, May 16, 2011

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Nakba Day

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Nakba Day (Arabic: يوم النكبة Yawm an-Nakbah, meaning "day of the catastrophe") is an annual day of commemoration for the Palestinian people of the displacement that accompanied the creation of Israel in 1948.[1]

Contents

[hide]

[edit] Defining Nakba


During the 1948 Palestine War, an estimated 700,000 Palestinians were expelled or fled, and hundreds of Palestinian villages were depopulated and destroyed.[2][3] The vast majority of Palestinian refugees, both those outside the 1949 armistice lines at the war's conclusion and those internally displaced, were barred by the newly declared state of Israel from returning to their homes or reclaiming their property.[2][3] They number several million people today, divided between Jordan (2 million), Lebanon (427,057), Syria (477,700), the West Bank (788,108) and the Gaza Strip (1.1 million), with another at least quarter of million internally displaced Palestinians in Israel.[4]

This dispossession and dispersal of the Palestinian people is known to them as al-Nakba, meaning "the castastrope," or "the disaster."[5][6]

Prior to its adoption by the Palestinian nationalist movement, the "Year of the Catastrophe" among Arabs referred to 1920, when European colonial powers partitioned the Ottoman Empire into a series of separate states along lines of their own choosing.[7] The term was first used to reference the events of 1948 in the summer of that same year by the Syrian writer Constantine Zureiq in his work Ma'na al-Nakba ("The Meaning of the Nakba"; published in English in 1956).[8]

Initially, use of the term Nakba among Palestinians was not universal. For example, many years after 1948, Palestinian refugees in Lebanon avoided and even actively resisted using the term, because it lent permanency to a situation they viewed as temporary, and they often insisted on being called "returnees."[9] In the 1950s and 1960s, terms they used to describe the events of 1948 were more eupheumistic and included al-ightisab ("the rape"), al-ahdath ("the events"), al-hijra ("the exodus"), and lamma sharna wa tla'na ("when we blackened our faces and left").[9] Nakba narratives were avoided by the leadership of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) in Lebanon in the 1970s, in favor of a narrative of revolution and renewal.[9] Interest in the Nakba by organizations representing refugees in Lebanon surged in the 1990s due to the perception that the refugees' right of return might be negotiated away in exchange for Palestinian statehood, and the desire was to send a clear message to the international community that this right was non-negotiable.[9]

Though the Nakba refers to the events of 1948, their continued salience due to the irresolution of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict has prompted Palestinians like Mahmoud Darwish to describe the Nakba as, "an extended present that promises to continue in the future."[6]

[edit] Timing

Nakba Day is generally commemorated on May 15, the day after the Gregorian calendar date for Israel's Independence.

In Israel, Nakba Day events by Arab citizens have been held on Yom Ha'atzmaut (Israel's Independence Day), which is celebrated in Israel on the Hebrew calendar date (5 Iyar). Because of the differences between the Hebrew and the Gregorian calendars, Independence Day and the official May 15 date for Nakba Day usually only coincide every 19 years.[10]

[edit] Commemoration

Palestinian girl in a protest on Nakba Day 2010 in Hebron, West Bank. Her sign says "Surely we will return, Palestine." Most of the Palestinian refugees in the West Bank are descendants of people whose families hail from areas that were incorporated into Israel in 1948.[4]

Commemoration of the Nakba by Arab citizens of Israel who are internally displaced persons as a result of the 1948 war has been practiced for decades, but until the early 1990s was relatively weak. Initially, the memory of the catastrophe of 1948 was personal and communal in character and families or members of a given village would use the day to gather at the site of their former villages.[11] Small scale commemorations of the tenth anniversary in the form of silent vigils were held by Arab students at a few schools in Israel in 1958, despite attempts by the Israeli authorities to thwart them.[12] Visits to the sites of former villages became increasingly visible after the events of Land Day in 1976.[11] In the wake up of the failure of the 1991 Madrid Conference to broach the subject of refugees, the Association for the Defense of the Rights of the Internally Displaced in Israel was founded to organize a March of Return to the site of a different village every year on May 15, so as to place the issue on the Israeli public agenda.[13] By the early 1990s, annual commemorations of the day by Palestinian Arab citizens of Israel held a prominent place in the community's public discourse.[11][14]

Meron Benvenisti writes that it was "…Israeli Arabs who taught the residents of the territories to commemorate Nakba Day."[15] Palestinians in the occupied territories were called upon to commemorate May 15 as day of national mourning by the Palestine Liberation Organization's United National Command of the Uprising during the First Intifada in 1988.[16] The day was inaugurated by Yasser Arafat in 1998.[17]
The event is often marked by speeches and rallies by Palestinians in Israel, the West Bank and Gaza, in Palestinian refugee camps in Arab states, and in other places around the world.[18][19] Protests at times develop into clashes between Palestinians and the Israel Defense Forces in the West Bank and Gaza Strip.[20][21][22] In 2003 and 2004, there were demonstrations in London[23] and New York City.[24]

In 2002, Zochrot was established to organize events raising the awareness of the Nakba in Hebrew so as to bring Palestinians and Israelis closer to a true reconciliation. The name is the Hebrew feminine plural form of "remember".[11]

[edit] 2011 commemoration

For the 63rd commemoration of Nakba Day, Palestinians and other Arabs from the West Bank, Gaza Strip, Syria, and Lebanon marched towards their respective borders with Israel to mark the event. At least 12 Palestinians and their supporters were killed as a result of shootings by the Israeli Army. According to the BBC, the 2011 Nakba Day demonstrations were given impetus by the revolutions and uprisings taking place throughout the Arab world.[25]

At the Qalandia checkpoint in the West Bank near East Jerusalem, a standoff between Israeli soldiers and around 100 Palestinian protesters ensued with Palestinians hurling stones at Israeli forces who responded with tear gas and rubber bullets. Dozens of Palestinians were injured in the clashes. Further clashes took place in various cities in the West Bank and neighborhoods in East Jerusalem. In East Jerusalem, Nakba Day commemorations began on May 13. Israeli authorities arrested 70 people throughout the city and clashes resulted in one Palestinian death in Silwan.[26] Roughly 1,000 Palestinians marched towards the Erez Crossing in the Gaza Strip. Israeli forces intermittently fired at them with tanks and machine guns resulting in at least one death and the injury of around 80 demonstrators.[26][25] Hamas, which governs the territory, reportedly asked protesters to withdraw from the border.[26] Hundreds of Arabs as well as Jews held the first public commemoration of the Nakba in Jaffa to protest the "Nakba law" passed by the Israeli Knesset in March. Demonstrators chanted Palestinian and pan-Arab solidarity slogans [27]

Tens of thousands of demonstrators, mostly Palestinian refugees, in Lebanon marched to the Israeli border chanting "By our soul, our blood, we sacrifice ourselves for you, Palestine" as the Lebanese Army fired warning shots in the air to scatter the crowds. Israeli forces then fired at demonstrators who they accused of vandalizing the border fence. The Lebanese military stated at least ten protesters were killed while scores were injured. From Syria, thousands of Palestinian supporters managed to enter the Golan Heights, currently under Israeli occupation. The Israeli military stated it fired warning shots when several protesters attempted to breach a border fence and enter the Arab town of Majdal Shams.[25] The Syrian government said four Syrian citizens were killed and dozens injured as a result of Israeli fire.s.[26] Israel stated the demonstrators committed a "serious" incursion and that Israeli forces struggled to contain the crowds. Syria condemned Israel stating it "will have to bear full responsibility" for its actions which they described as "criminal." Israel responded by saying "Syria is a police state. Demonstrators do not randomly approach the border without the prior approval of the central government" and that the demonstrations were an "Iranian provocation, on both the Syrian and the Lebanese frontiers, to try to exploit the Nakba day commemorations."[25]

Nakba Day commemorations took place in other parts of the Arab world as well. At least 120 Egyptians were injured as Egyptian security forces forcibly prevented the storming of the Israeli embassy in Cairo by thousands of protesters who gathered outside. Around 20 protesters were arrested.[28] Although Egyptian forces largely blocked access to the Sinai Peninsula to prevent a Nakba Day march towards the Rafah crossing, about 80 activists managed to reach it.[29] In Jordan, 200 Palestinian students attempted to march towards the Israeli border, but were restrained by Jordanian security forces resulting in the injury of six people.[30]

[edit] Objections to commemoration of Nakba Day

Criticism of the observance of Nakba Day in the Israeli media involves claims that it is marked by Palestinians to celebrate their alleged wishes for the dismantling of the Israeli state and the Jewish majority population, and that the greater tragedy resides in the inability to solidify a stronger national movement for Palestinian citizens.[31][32] Arab citizens of Israel have also been admonished for observing Nakba Day in light of their relatively higher standards of living when compared to that of Palestinian residents living under Israeli military occupation,[33] or in neighbouring Arab states.

Israeli media also reports that displacement and loss of property during the 20th century is not unique to the Palestinian, and that in 1940 approximately 800,000 jews lived in Arab states (mostly in Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia, Iraq and Egypt), who in the following years were banished and were disinherited from most of their property.[34]

On 23 March 2011, the Knesset approved, by a vote of 37 in favor to 25 against,[35] a change to the Government budget, giving the Israeli Finance Minister the discretion to reduce funding to any non-governmental organization (NGO) that organizes Nakba commemoration events.[36][37]
Israeli group Im Tirtzu has launched a campaign, stating that "the Nakba is a myth and a scam, aimed at rewriting history and making the victim the aggressor".[38]

[edit] See also

[edit] References

  1. ^ David W. Lesch, Benjamin Frankel (2004). History in Dispute: The Middle East since 1945 (Illustrated ed.). St. James Press. p. 102. ISBN 1558624724, 9781558624726. "The Palestinian recalled their "Nakba Day", their "catastrophe" — the displacement that accompanied the creation of the State of Israel — in 1948."
  2. ^ a b Morris, Benny (2003). The Birth of the Palestinian Refugee Problem Revisited. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0-521-00967-7, p. 604.
  3. ^ a b Khalidi, Walid (Ed.) (1992). All That Remains: The Palestinian Villages Occupied and Depopulated by Israel in 1948. Washington: Institute for Palestine Studies. ISBN 0-88728-224-5.
  4. ^ a b Figures given here for the number of Palestinian refugees includes only those registered with UNRWA as June 2010. Internally displaced Palestinians were not registered, among others. Factbox: Palestinian refugee statistics
  5. ^ Samih K. Farsoun (2004). Culture and customs of the Palestinians (Illustrated ed.). Greenwood Publishing Group. p. 14. ISBN 0313320519, 9780313320514.
  6. ^ a b Derek Gregory (2004). The colonial present: Afghanistan, Palestine, Iraq (Illustrated, reprint ed.). Wiley-Blackwell. p. 86. ISBN 1577180909, 9781577180906.
  7. ^ Antonius, George (1979), The Arab awakening: the story of the Arab national movement, Putnam, p. 312, "The year 1920 has an evil name in Arab annals: it is referred to as the Year of the Catastrophe (Am al-Nakba). It saw the first armed risings that occurred in protest against the post-War settlement imposed by the Allies on the Arab countries. In that year, serious outbreaks took place in Syria, Palestine, and Iraq"
  8. ^ Rochelle Davis (2010). Palestinian Village Histories: Geographies of the Displaced (Ilustrated ed.). Stanford University Press. p. 237. ISBN 0804773130, 9780804773133.
  9. ^ a b c d Ahmad H. Sa'di, Lila Abu-Lughod (2007). Nakba: Palestine, 1948, and the claims of memory (Illustrated ed.). Columbia University Press. pp. 253–254. ISBN 0231135793, 9780231135795.
  10. ^ Hertz-Larowitz, Rachel (2003). Arab and Jewish Youth in Israel: Voicing National Injustice on Campus. Journal of Social Issues, 59(1), 51-66.
  11. ^ a b c d Nur Masalha (2005). Catastrophe remembered: Palestine, Israel and the internal refugees: essays in memory of Edward W. Said (1935–2003). Zed Books. p. 221. ISBN 1842776231, 9781842776230.
  12. ^ Hillel Cohen (2010). Good Arabs: the Israeli security agencies and the Israeli Arabs, 1948–1967 (Illustrated ed.). University of California Press. p. 142. ISBN 0520257677, 9780520257672.
  13. ^ Masalha, 2005, p. 216.
  14. ^ In 2006, for example, Azmi Bishara, an Arab member of the Knesset told the Israeli newspaper Maariv: "Independence Day is your holiday, not ours. We mark this as the day of our Nakba, the tragedy that befell the Palestinian nation in 1948." (Maariv article (in Hebrew))
  15. ^ Mêrôn Benveniśtî (2007). Son of the cypresses: memories, reflections, and regrets from a political life. University of California Press. p. 164. ISBN 0520238257, 9780520238251.
  16. ^ Shaul Mishal, Reʼuven Aharoni (1994). Speaking stones: communiqués from the Intifada underground. Syracuse University Press. p. 96. ISBN 081562607X, 9780815626077. "May 15, which denotes the nakba, will be a day of national mourning and a general strike; public and private transportation will cease, and all will remain in their houses."
  17. ^ Rubin, Barry and Rubin, Judith Colp (2003). Yasir Arafat: A Political Biography. New York: Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-516689-2, p. 187.
  18. ^ "Anger over Palestinian Nakba ban proposal". BBC News. 2009-05-25. Retrieved 2010-05-19.
  19. ^ Bowker, Robert (2003). Palestinian Refugees: Mythology, Identity, and the Search for Peace. Lynne Rienner Publishers. ISBN 1-58826-202-2, p. 96.
  20. ^ Analysis: Why Palestinians are angry, BBC News Online, 15 May 2000.
  21. ^ Violence erupts in West Bank, BBC News Online, 15 May 2000.
  22. ^ Israel - Palestinian Violence, National Public Radio, 15 May 2000.
  23. ^ Pro-Palestine rally in London, BBC News Online, 15 May 2003.
  24. ^ Al-Nakba Day Rally in Times Square, 2004.
  25. ^ a b c d Israeli forces open fire at Palestinian protesters. BBC News. 2011-05-15.
  26. ^ a b c d Palestinians killed in 'Nakba' clashes. Al-Jazeera English. 2011-05-15.
  27. ^ Hartman, Ben. Hundreds hold first-ever Nakba Day march in Jaffa. JPost. 2011-05-15.
  28. ^ Scores injured at Nakba rally in Cairo. Al-Jazeera English. 2011-05-15.
  29. ^ Egyptians rally at Rafah for Palestinian rights. Ma'an News Agency. 2011-05-15.
  30. ^ Muir, Jim. Palestinian protests: Arab spring or foreign manipulation?. BBC News. 2011-05-15.
  31. ^ The Palestine Nakba Controversy
  32. ^ The real Nakba, By Shlomo Avineri, 09/05/2008
  33. ^ Time to stop mourning, By Meron Benvenisti
  34. ^ The Other Nakba: How Arab-Jews' property was robbed, By Tani Goldstein, 14 May 2011
  35. ^ Knesset Approves Nakba Law, by Elad Benari, 23 March 2011
  36. ^ Elia Zureik (2011). Elia Zureik, David Lyon, Yasmeen Abu-Laban. ed. Surveillance and Control in Israel/Palestine: Population, Territory and Power (Illustrated ed.). Taylor & Francis. p. 17. ISBN 0415588618, 9780415588614.
  37. ^ MK Zahalka: Racist laws target Arab sector, by Roni Sofer, 22 March 2011
  38. ^ Im Tirtzu new campaign: "Nakba Harta", by Amihay Ataeli, 13 May 2011

[edit] External links

This page was last modified on 16 May 2011 at 03:36.


The Arab Revolution is knocking at Israel's door - Haaretz Daily Newspaper | Israel News

The Arab Revolution is knocking at Israel's door - Haaretz Daily Newspaper | Israel News

Tuesday, May 10, 2011

Quality of Life: India vs. China By Amartya Sen - The New York Review of Books

1.

The steadily rising rate of economic growth in India has recently been around 8 percent per year (it is expected to be 9 percent this year), and there is much speculation about whether and when India may catch up with and surpass China’s over 10 percent growth rate. Despite the evident excitement that this subject seems to cause in India and abroad, it is surely rather silly to be obsessed about India’s overtaking China in the rate of growth of GNP, while not comparing India with China in other respects, like education, basic health, or life expectancy. Economic growth can, of course, be enormously helpful in advancing living standards and in battling poverty. But there is little cause for taking the growth of GNP to be an end in itself, rather than seeing it as an important means for achieving things we value.

sen_1-051211.jpg Dinodia/Stock Connection/Aurora Photos


Girls in a classroom in the Indian model village of Ralegan Siddhi, northeast of Pune, Maharashtra, 2006

It could, however, be asked why this distinction should make much difference, since economic growth does enhance our ability to improve living standards. The central point to appreciate here is that while economic growth is important for enhancing living conditions, its reach and impact depend greatly on what we do with the increased income. The relation between economic growth and the advancement of living standards depends on many factors, including economic and social inequality and, no less importantly, on what the government does with the public revenue that is generated by economic growth.

Some statistics about China and India, drawn mainly from the World Bank and the United Nations, are relevant here. Life expectancy at birth in China is 73.5 years; in India it is 64.4 years. The infant mortality rate is fifty per thousand in India, compared with just seventeen in China; the mortality rate for children under five is sixty-six per thousand for Indians and nineteen for the Chinese; and the maternal mortality rate is 230 per 100,000 live births in India and thirty-eight in China. The mean years of schooling in India were estimated to be 4.4 years, compared with 7.5 years in China. China’s adult literacy rate is 94 percent, compared with India’s 74 percent according to the preliminary tables of the 2011 census.

As a result of India’s effort to improve the schooling of girls, its literacy rate for women between the ages of fifteen and twenty-four has clearly risen; but that rate is still not much above 80 percent, whereas in China it is 99 percent. One of the serious failures of India is that a very substantial proportion of Indian children are, to varying degrees, undernourished (depending on the criteria used, the proportion can come close to half of all children), compared with a very small proportion in China. Only 66 percent of Indian children are immunized with triple vaccine (diphtheria/pertussis/tetanus), as opposed to 97 percent in China.

Comparing India with China according to such standards can be more useful for policy discussions in India than confining the comparison to GNP growth rates only. Those who are fearful that India’s growth performance would suffer if it paid more attention to “social objectives” such as education and health care should seriously consider that notwithstanding these “social” activities and achievements, China’s rate of GNP growth is still clearly higher than India’s.

2.

Higher GNP has certainly helped China to reduce various indicators of poverty and deprivation, and to expand different features of the quality of life. There is every reason to want to encourage sustainable economic growth in India in order to improve living standards today and in the future (including taking care of the environment in which we live). Sustainable economic growth is a very good thing in a way that “growth mania” is not.

GNP per capita is, however, not invariably a good predictor of valuable features of our lives, for those features depend also on other things that we do—or fail to do. Compare India with Bangladesh. In income, India has a huge lead over Bangladesh, with a GNP per capita of $1,170, compared with $590 in Bangladesh, in comparable units of purchasing power. This difference has expanded rapidly because of India’s faster rate of recent economic growth, and that, of course, is a point in India’s favor. India’s substantially higher rank than Bangladesh in the UN Human Development Index (HDI) is largely due to this particular achievement. But we must ask how well India’s income advantage is reflected in other things that also matter. I fear the answer is: not well at all.

Life expectancy in Bangladesh is 66.9 years compared with India’s 64.4. The proportion of underweight children in Bangladesh (41.3 percent) is lower than in India (43.5), and its fertility rate (2.3) is also lower than India’s (2.7). Mean years of schooling amount to 4.8 years in Bangladesh compared with India’s 4.4 years. While India is ahead of Bangladesh in the male literacy rate for the age group between fifteen and twenty-four, the female rate in Bangladesh is higher than in India. Interestingly, the female literacy rate among young Bangladeshis is actually higher than the male rate, whereas young women still have substantially lower rates than young males in India. There is much evidence to suggest that Bangladesh’s current progress has a great deal to do with the role that liberated Bangladeshi women are beginning to play in the country.

What about health? The mortality rate of children under five is sixty-six per thousand in India compared with fifty-two in Bangladesh. In infant mortality, Bangladesh has a similar advantage: it is fifty per thousand in India and forty-one in Bangladesh. While 94 percent of Bangladeshi children are immunized with DPT vaccine, only 66 percent of Indian children are. In each of these respects, Bangladesh does better than India, despite having only half of India’s per capita income.

Of course, Bangladesh’s living conditions will benefit greatly from higher economic growth, particularly if the country uses it as a means of doing good things, rather than treating economic growth and high per capita income as ends in themselves. It is to the huge credit of Bangladesh that despite the adversity of low income it has been able to do so much so quickly; the imaginative activism of Bangladeshi NGOs (such as the Grameen Bank, the pioneering microcredit institution, and BRAC, a large-scale initiative aimed at removing poverty) as well as the committed public policies of the government have both contributed to the results. But higher income, including larger public resources, will obviously enhance Bangladesh’s ability to achieve better lives for its people.

3.

One of the positive things about economic growth is that it generates public resources that the government can devote to its priorities. In fact, public resources very often grow faster than the GNP. The gross tax revenue, for example, of the government of India (corrected for price rise) is now more than four times what it was just twenty years ago, in 1990–1991. This is a substantially bigger jump than the price-corrected GNP.

Expenditure on what is somewhat misleadingly called the “social sector”—health, education, nutrition, etc.—has certainly gone up in India. And yet India is still well behind China in many of these fields. For example, government expenditure on health care in China is nearly five times that in India. China does, of course, have a larger population and a higher per capita income than India, but even in relative terms, while the Chinese government spends nearly 2 percent of GDP (1.9 percent) on health care, the proportion is only a little above one percent (1.1 percent) in India.

One result of the relatively low allocation of funds to public health care in India is that large numbers of poor people across the country rely on private doctors, many of whom have little medical training. Since health is also a typical example of “asymmetric information,” in which the patients may know very little about what the doctors (or “supposed doctors”) are giving them, even the possibility of fraud and deceit is very large. In a study conducted by the Pratichi Trust—a public interest trust I set up in 1999—we found cases in which the ignorance of poor patients about their condition was exploited so as to make them pay for treatment they didn’t get. This is the result not only of shameful exploitation, but ultimately of the sheer unavailability of public health care in many parts of India. The benefit that we can expect to get from economic growth depends very much on how the public revenue generated by economic growth is expended.

4.

When we consider the impact of economic growth on people’s lives, comparisons favor China over India. However, there are many fields in which a comparison between China and India is not related to economic growth in any obvious way. Most Indians are strongly appreciative of the democratic structure of the country, including its many political parties, systematic free elections, uncensored media, free speech, and the independent standing of the judiciary, among other characteristics of a lively democracy. Those Indians who are critical of serious flaws in these arrangements (and I am certainly one of them) can also take account of what India has already achieved in sustaining democracy, in contrast to many other countries, including China.

Not only is access to the Internet and world opinion uncensored and unrestricted in India, a multitude of media present widely different points of view, often very critical of the government in office. India has a larger circulation of newspapers each day than any other country in the world. And the newspapers reflect contrasting political perspectives. Economic growth has helped—and this has certainly been a substantial gain—to expand the availability of radios and televisions across the country, including in rural areas, which very often are shared among many users. There are at least 360 independent television stations (and many are being established right now, judging from the licenses already issued) and their broadcasts reflect a remarkable variety of points of view. More than two hundred of these TV stations concentrate substantially or mainly on news, many of them around the clock. There is a sharp contrast here with the monolithic system of newscasting permitted by the state in China, with little variation of political perspectives on different channels.

Freedom of expression has its own value as a potentially important instrument for democratic politics, but also as something that people enjoy and treasure. Even the poorest parts of the population want to participate in social and political life, and in India they can do so. There is a contrast as well in the use of trial and punishment, including capital punishment. China often executes more people in a week than India has executed since independence in 1947. If our focus is on a comprehensive comparison of the quality of life in India and China, we have to look well beyond the traditional social indicators, and many of these comparisons are not to China’s advantage.

Could it be that India’s democratic system is somehow a barrier to using the benefits of economic growth in order to enhance health, education, and other social conditions? Clearly not, as I shall presently discuss. It is worth recalling that when India had a very low rate of economic growth, as was the case until the 1980s, a common argument was that democracy was hostile to fast economic growth. It was hard to convince those opposed to democracy that fast economic growth depends on an economic climate congenial to development rather than on fierce political control, and that a political system that protects democratic rights need not impede economic growth. That debate has now ended, not least because of the high economic growth rates of democratic India. We can now ask: How should we assess the alleged conflict between democracy and the use of the fruits of economic growth for social advancement?

5.

What a democratic system achieves depends greatly on which social conditions become political issues. Some conditions become politically important issues quickly, such as the calamity of a famine (thus famines tend not to occur at all when there is a functioning democracy), while other problems—less spectacular and less immediate—provide a much harder challenge. It is much more difficult to use democratic politics to remedy undernourishment that is not extreme, or persistent gender inequality, or the absence of regular medical care for all. Success or failure here depends on the range and vigor of democratic practice.1 In recent years Indian democracy has made considerable progress in dealing with some of these conditions, such as gender inequality, lack of schools, and widespread undernourishment. Public protests, court decisions, and the use of the recently passed “Right to Information” Act have had telling effects. But India still has a long way to go in remedying these conditions.

In China, by contrast, the process of decision-making depends largely on decisions made by the top Party leaders, with relatively little democratic pressure from below. The Chinese leaders, despite their skepticism about the values of multiparty democracy and personal and political liberty, are strongly committed to eliminating poverty, undernourishment, illiteracy, and lack of health care; and this has greatly helped in China’s advancement. There is, however, a serious fragility in any authoritarian system of governance, since there is little recourse or remedy when the government leaders alter their goals or suppress their failures.

The reality of that danger revealed itself in a catastrophic form in the Chinese famine of 1959–1962, which killed more than 30 million people, when there was no public pressure against the regime’s policies, as would have arisen in a functioning democracy. Mistakes in policy continued for three years while tens of millions died. To take another example, the economic reforms of 1979 greatly improved the working and efficiency of Chinese agriculture and industry; but the Chinese government also eliminated, at the same time, the entitlement of all to public medical care (which was often administered through the communes). Most people were then required to buy their own health insurance, drastically reducing the proportion of the population with guaranteed health care.
In a functioning democracy an established right to social assistance could not have been so easily—and so swiftly—dropped. The change sharply reduced the progress of longevity in China. Its large lead over India in life expectancy dwindled during the following two decades—falling from a fourteen-year lead to one of just seven years.

The Chinese authorities, however, eventually realized what had been lost, and from 2004 they rapidly started reintroducing the right to medical care. China now has a considerably higher proportion of people with guaranteed health care than does India. The gap in life expectancy in China’s favor has been rising again, and it is now around nine years; and the degree of coverage is clearly central to the difference.2 Whether India’s democratic political system can effectively remedy neglected public services such as health care is one of the most urgent questions facing the country.3

6.

For a minority of the Indian population—but still very large in actual numbers—economic growth alone has been very advantageous, since they are already comparatively privileged and need no social assistance to benefit from economic growth. The limited prosperity of recent years has helped to support a remarkable variety of lifestyles as well as globally acclaimed developments of Indian literature, music, cinema, theater, painting, and the culinary arts, among other cultural activities.

Yet an exaggerated concentration on the lives of the relatively prosperous, exacerbated by the Indian media, gives an unrealistically rosy picture of the lives of Indians in general. Since the fortunate group includes not only business leaders and the professional classes but also many of the country’s intellectuals, the story of unusual national advancement is widely and persistently heard. More worryingly, relatively privileged Indians can easily fall for the temptation to focus just on economic growth as a grand social benefactor for all.

Some critics of the huge social inequalities in India find something callous and uncouth in the self-centered lives and inward-looking preoccupations of a relatively prosperous minority. My primary concern, however, is that the illusions generated by those distorted perceptions of prosperity may prevent India from bringing social deprivations into political focus, which is essential for achieving what needs to be done for Indians at large through its democratic system. A fuller understanding of the real conditions of the mass of neglected Indians and what can be done to improve their lives through public policy should be a central issue in the politics of India.
This is exactly where the exclusive concentration on the rate of GNP growth has the most damaging effect. Economic growth can make a very large contribution to improving people’s lives; but single-minded emphasis on growth has limitations that need to be clearly understood.
  1. 1 I have discussed this issue more fully in " How Is India Doing? ," The New York Review , December 16, 1982; in (jointly with Jean Drèze) Hunger and Public Action (Clarendon Press/Oxford University Press, 1989); and in Development as Freedom (Knopf, 1999). ↩
  2. 2 I discuss this in "The Art of Medicine: Learning from Others," The Lancet , January 15, 2011. ↩
  3. 3 I am grateful to Lincoln Chen, Jean Drèze, and A.K. Shiva Kumar for helpful discussion of this and related issues. ↩

Monday, May 9, 2011

Does Pak Prime Minister hints in his parliament speech, that the helicopter that was destroyed at Abbotabad, was a knee jerk action by Pak (forces)? - By Ghulam Muhammed

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Ghulam Muhammed
@GhulamMuhammed Ghulam Muhammed
Does Pak Prime Minister hints in his parliament speech, that the helicopter that was destroyed at Abbotabad, was a knee jerk action by Pak (forces)?

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http://www.washingtonpost.com/world/pakistani-pm-failure-to-locate-bin-laden-not-incompetence-or-complicity/2011/05/09/AFKg0nYG_allComments.html#comments
Comments posted on Washington Post:
ghulammuhammed3

Does Pak Prime Minister hints in his parliament speech, that the helicopter that was destroyed at Abbotabad, was a knee jerk action by Pak (forces)? Pak PM riled against unilateralism, apparently referring to US operation. He further added that Pak will respond in the similar fashion, whenever, there is an overt or covert attack on its assets. Does that refer to any imagined proposed attack on Pakistan's nuclear assets by any foreign country? Neither US nor Pakistan is a monolith and both harbor hawks and doves. Both side's hawks seem to be in high gear, without bothering to reason out the consequences of any knee-jerk action. Obama has given in to hawks and even though he has given out a sign of wider concerns, by not releasing Osama Killing pictures to world media, series of haughty moves in the aftermath of US operative shooting down two Pak intelligence agents, shows how much Obama as President is helpless to control his own administration. For the peace of the world, both US and Pak should calm down.
5/9/2011 9:57:03 PM GMT+0530

Sunday, May 8, 2011

Osama’s death may end bloom of Arab Spring - By Swaminathan S. Anklesaria Aiyar - The Sunday Times of India

Apologies for having to post the most degrading, un-parliamentary and insulting quote by Swaminathan Aiyar, purporting to be from Bertold Brecht using most profane language in his comments on Hitler's fascism, ---- which Aiyar unthinkingly and most brazenly uses the phrase --- bitch in heat -- to refer to Islamic revival.

Ghulam Muhammed, Mumbai

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http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/home/sunday-toi/all-that-matters/Osamas-death-may-end-bloom-of-Arab-Spring/articleshow/8193425.cms

Osama’s death may end bloom of Arab Spring

Swaminathan S Anklesaria Aiyar | May 8, 2011, 07.09am IST

I did not celebrate Osama bin Laden's death. Killing an individual is easier than killing an idea. Osama's idea of jihad survives his death.

He was the mastermind of 9/11 and the most iconic jihadi figure. Yet he had long ceased to direct jihadi movements and had run foul of some by killing Muslims opposed to al-Qaida.

Nevertheless, Osama succeeded in popularizing a new version of jihad. In this, suicide attacks and civilian killings—both crimes in traditional Islam—became glorious jihadi tactics that fulfilled Islamic goals and ensured a passport to paradise.

John Brown, US anti-slavery leader, led a slave uprising in 1859, and was hanged for it. Yet his ideal of abolishing slavery triumphed. This inspired the US civil war song "John Brown's body lies a'mouldering in the grave, but his soul goes marching on." So too will Osama's .

His death may encourage the US to withdraw troops quickly from Afghanistan, strike a deal with the Taliban, and play down terrorism directed at India rather than the US. Pakistan will see this as vindication of its two-faced policy of using terrorists against India while playing footsie with the US. Such two-facedness may mean worse violence within Pakistan, with radicals gaining ground from liberal Muslims. India may suffer further 26/11-style attacks, more violence in Kashmir, and more external assistance for domestic jihadi groups. We may even suffer another Kandahar-type hijack.

To scotch this, militant Hindus want to emulate the US by raiding and assassinating targets in Pakistan such as Hafeez Saeed of the Lashkare-Taiba , mastermind of 26/11. This approach will fail. Just look at the ultimate failure of many killing missions of Israel, which is global No.1 in political assassinations and much admired for it by the RSS.

Ronen Bergman, Israeli military analyst, recalls that in 1992, Israel assassinated Hezbollah founder Abbas Mussawi. Far from weakening Hezbollah, this fuelled its anger and led to a retaliatory attack on the Israeli embassy in Buenos Aires, killing 29. Mussawi's replacement, Hassan Nasrallah, greatly increased Hezbollah's clout using arms supplies from Iran. This helped him wage an inconclusive war against Israel in 2006. Israel inflicted much damage on Lebanon, yet ended by withdrawing, a worse outcome than anything imaginable in Mussawi's time.

In 2004, Israel assassinated Hamas leader Sheikh Ahmed Yassin, hoping to cripple the organization . Instead, Hamas became stronger and more aggressive. Yassin was a devout Sunni who opposed Shia Iran, but after his death, Hamas happily joined hands with Iran and was armed by it, to Israel's utter dismay. So, while India faces a growing threat from jihadis, Israel shows us that assassination is no solution—it looks macho but ends up strengthening your foes. Ultimately, militant Islam will be quelled only by liberal Islam , not by outsiders, and that internal struggle is beyond our power to resolve. Whether we like it or not, we cannot impose a military solution.

Optimists disagree. They claim that jihad as a philosophy has been beaten back by the Arab Spring, and that secular freedom movements in Egypt, Tunisia and Libya have displaced sectarian ones. I would love to believe this is the case, but history suggests otherwise.

Many liberals (including me) hailed the 1979 Iranian revolution that overthrew the Shah. Alas, this brought not democracy but a murderous , oppressive theocracy.

Liberals cheered prospects of democracy when Algeria held its first free elections in 1991. But an Islamist party won the first round. So, with US blessings, democracy was abandoned in favour of continued military rule. Elections in Palestine brought to power Hamas, a radical Islamic party, humiliating the secular PLO.

Why do Islamists so often win free elections in the Middle East? Because local dictators can neuter secular opposition groups but dare not close down the mosques. Hence mosques become natural opposition centres. When autocracy gives way to elections, Islamic parties (like the Muslim Brotherhood) are the best organized, and so best placed to win. In Egypt's referendum on constitutional reform in March, opposition leader El Baradei (who wanted elections put off to help secular parties organize) was prevented from casting his vote by Islamists who pelted stones. Does this portend liberal democracy or Islamist intolerance?

This must stoke fears that the Arab Spring will bring radical Islamists to power in many countries. I would love to be proved wrong. But I have a sinking feeling that we will soon say of Osama what Bertold Brecht said of Hitler.

"Don't rejoice in his defeat, you men.

For though the world stood up and stopped the bastard,

The bitch that bore him is in heat again."