The end of impunity - By Teesta Setalvad - The Indian Express

http://www.indianexpress.com/news/the-end-of-impunity/585869/0

02mar10

The end of impunity

teestasetalvad

The struggle of man (or woman) against power is the struggle of memory against forgetting. — Milan Kundera

It was not simply the number of lives lost, though the number — perhaps 2,500 — is not insignificant. It was the cold-blooded manner in which they were taken. It was not simply that 19 of Gujarat’s 25 districts burned while Neros watched, fiddled and smirked but the sinister similarity in the way they were set alight. Militias were armed with deadly training, weapons, technology and equipment; with a lethal brew of deadly intent, inspired by constructed tales of hate, using the February 28, 2002 edition of a leading Gujarati daily that urged revenge; all combined with a deadly white chemical powder that seared to burn and destroy already killed bodies. And, of course, truckloads of gas cylinders, in short supply for cooking, were used instead to blast mosques and homes. Mobile phones and motorcycles made communications easy and movement swift.


Part of the plan was to humiliate, destroy and then kill. Another was to economically cripple. But at heart the desire was to construct a reality whereby a whole ten per cent of the population lives (and a few even prosper) as carefully whipped into shape, second-class citizens. Most incidents that racked the state, except the famed Best Bakery incident, took place in the glare of the day, not the stealth of the night. Critical to the plan to mutilate and humiliate was to subject women and girls to the worst kind of sexual violence. Tehelka’s “Operation Kalank” records victorious testimonies of rapists and murderers who claim to have received personal approbations from the man at the helm. Over 1,200 highway hotels were destroyed, more than 23,000 homes gutted, 350 large businesses seriously damaged (and are still unable to recover) and 12,000 street businesses demolished.


Genocide is about economic crippling as much as death and humiliation. The Concerned Citizens Tribunal — Crimes Against Humanity 2002 called the happenings in Gujarat a genocide, because of the systematic singling out of a group through widely distributed hate writing and demonisation, the economic destruction, the sexual violence and also because over 270 masjids and dargahs were razed to the ground. The bandh calls on February 28 and March 1 by rabid outfits and supported by the party in power enabled mobs free access to the streets while successfully warding off the ordinary citizen.


Eight years on, it is this level and extent of complicity that is under high-level scrutiny. The involvement of high functionaries of the state in Gujarat did not begin, and has not stopped, with the violence. It has extended to destruction of evidence that continues until today, the faulty registration of criminal complaints, the deliberate exclusion of powerful accused and, worst of all, the utter and complete subversion of the criminal justice system by appointment of public prosecutors who were not wedded to fair play, justice and the Constitution — but were and are lapdogs of the ruling party and its raid affiliates. The proceedings in the Best Bakery case in the Supreme Court and the judgment of April 12, 2004 strips our legal system, especially lawyers, of the dignity of their office.


The hasty granting of bail to those involved in the post-Godhra carnage remains a scandal. While over seven dozen of those accused of the Godhra train arson have been in jail, without bail for eight years — and today face trial within the precincts of the Sabarmati jail — powerful men, patronised by the state’s political hierarchy who are accused of multiple rapes and murders roam free in “vibrant Gujarat” even as the trials have resumed. The few that are in jail — ten of the 64 accused in the Gulberg society carnage, eight of the 64 accused in Naroda Patia massacre, two of the 89 in the Naroda Gaam killing, eight of the 73 in the Sardroura massacres (all the 84 accused of the massacre at Deepda Darwaza roam free on bail) are those with no political godfathers. A vast majority have lived in freedom even after committing unspeakable crimes. All this and more is being investigated under the orders of our apex court on a petition filed by Zakia Ahsan Jafri and the Citizens for Justice and Peace. For the first time in our history criminal conspiracy and mass murder are the charges, the chief minister and 61 others the accused. Will the wealth of evidence be matched by the rigour of investigation? Will the will to prosecute surmount political considerations? Will the Indian system throw a spotlight on what surely must be its darkest hour? As we stood, remembered and prayed in painful memorial, with lit candles at the Gulbarg Society this Sunday we did so in both faith and hope.


The writer is the secretary of |Citizens for Justice and Peace

 

Importance of being an upper caste in Bengal House - By Vandita Mishra - The Indian Express

The real face of Indian democracy and secularism is gradually being denuded. The time has come for a paradigm change. Hopefully through realisation; if not by revolution.

Ghulam Muhammed, Mumbai

http://www.indianexpress.com/news/importance-of-being-an-upper-caste-in-bengal-house/585881/0

Importance of being an upper caste in Bengal House

Vandita MishraTags : nation, west bengal, government, Ajay MakenPosted: Tuesday , Mar 02, 2010 at 2254 hrsNew Delhi:
West Bengal’s Left Front government is the lone state government to have made a representation to the Centre asking for a caste-based census. This was what Minister of State for Home Affairs Ajay Maken told the House in his written response to an un-starred question in the Lok Sabha recently. The possibilities are tantalising: Could the plea for enumerating castes in West Bengal be a step towards the Left parties finally making peace with what they have all along disdained as ‘casteism’ — even as they have forged alliances with caste-based political parties like the SP earlier and most recently entering into an unnamed pact with Bahujan Samajwadi Party chief Mayawati ahead of the 2009 Lok Sabha polls?

Its enthusiasm to count castes in its shaky bastion may or may not presage a larger rethink by India’s Left on one of Indian politics’ most enduring questions. But it does shine the light on a little known aspect of Left rule in the state: West Bengal is the only state where the percentage of upper caste MLAs has increased over the 20-year period between 1972 and 1996, from 38 per cent to 50 per cent. The trend was reversed in 2001, when the percentage of upper caste MLAs fell just below 38 per cent, but upper caste ministers were still more than 51 per cent in the state government.

In fact, representation of intermediary castes in the West Bengal Assembly peaked in 1977 and has been weak and fluctuating ever since — incidentally, 1977 was the year when the Left Front began its uninterrupted rule in the state.

The resilience of upper caste domination in West Bengal is uncommon. It stands in particular contrast to the “silent revolution” that swept through some states in India since the late 1970s, characterised by the rise of the OBC and diminishing sway of the upper castes in positions of

political power.

In a recent book, Rise of the Plebeians? The changing face of Indian legislative assemblies, edited by Christophe Jaffrelot and Sanjay Kumar, (Routledge: 2009), Jaffrelot describes the trajectory in the Hindi belt. In 1952, upper caste MPs represented 64 per cent of the total MPs from this belt. They remained in the majority till 1977, when the spectacular rout of the Congress became the occasion for the first significant dip in the percentage of upper caste representatives to Parliament, from almost 54 per cent to about 48 per cent. They remained above 40 per cent till 1989, when the Congress was defeated for the second time at the Centre.

In successive elections in the 1990s, the percentage of upper caste MPs continued to decrease, touching 33 per cent in 2004. The share of OBC MPs, on the other hand, grew across parties. This process — of the transfer of power from upper caste to OBC politicians — was even more pronounced at the state level, points out Jaffrelot. In assemblies of Uttar Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh and Bihar, the proportion of upper caste MLAs has declined from about 40-55 per cent in the 1950s to about 25-35 per cent in the 2000s while the share of the OBCs grew from 10-20 per cent to about 20-40 per cent.

But not in West Bengal. In her profile of West Bengal MLAs over the last 50 years in the same book, Stephanie Tawa Lama-Rewal writes that its most striking feature is the consistent over-representation of the upper castes. “Even though the importance of upper castes in the West Bengal Legislative Assembly fluctuates between 37.5 per cent (in 1972) and 50 per cent (in 1957) of all MLAs, it remains consistently out of proportion with their demographic importance.”

While intermediary castes formed an estimated 35 per cent of the total population in West Bengal in 1991, they have remained a weak presence in the state Assembly, fluctuating between 4.6 per cent in 1952 and 6.1 per cent in 2001, peaking at 9.5 per cent in 1977, the year the Left Front came to power in the state.

According to the study, while upper castes formed 10 per cent of the West Bengal population in 1991, their representation in the Assembly has ranged from 45.9 per cent in 1977 to 49 per cent in 1996, coming down to 37.8 per cent in 2001. The dominance of upper caste bhadralok is even more pronounced in Left Front Cabinets since 1977, peaking at 81.8 per cent in 1982.

Extremist Views of the British Media By Yamin Zakaria

Extremist Views of the British Media

The recent series of programme televised mainly by the BBC and Channel 4, covering the Muslims in Britain, points to a single agenda of marketing the notion of ‘extremist’ views of some Muslims. What is an extremist view? There is no open discussion on that point; any Muslim is labelled as an extremist for showing sympathy towards the oppressed masses who are fighting for ‘freedom’ in the occupied lands of Palestine, Afghanistan and Iraq.

Such views are not specific to Muslims, many non-Muslims and in particular the leftwing organisations, express similar views and sentiment on Iraq, Palestine and Afghanistan. However, they are never labelled as extremists. It means - if the white face of George Galloway is replaced with an ethnic face, then you have an extremist who has been radicalised! It is funny how George Galloway is never classed as a militant, someone who is radicalised, or an extremist, even though he expresses such opinions so candidly.

To label someone as an extremist for defending their homeland, is no different to labelling Winston Churchill as a militant, and Britain as an extremist nation for reacting against the bombing raids of the expansionist Nazi Germany. Now the situation is reverse. Britain is riding on the expansionist US and Israel. Israel extends its settlements by uprooting the Palestinians; the US extends its military bases around the world, to ensure its ‘freedom’ to exploit others is maintained.

The notion of extremist views is further characterised by the media claim that such opinions are held by a minority of Muslims, and stems from extreme interpretation of the religious texts, rather than a response to the events of war, mass killing, occupation and a theft of land and resources.

Consider the typical organisation of Islam4UK with its extremist views. Majority of the Muslims and non-Muslims in this world would concur with the political views of Islam4UK, even if they did not express their allegiance to such an organisation. The proof is simple. Just examine the issue of Palestine, Afghanistan and the fabricated Iraq war; majority of the nations and people of this world consider these wars as heinous crimes committed on innocent people. If the extremist views are meant to be a minority view, then what about minority view over the Iraq war? Even the legal experts endorsing the war inside the British government, was clearly a very small minority view.

According to that criterion of minority, Britain and the US are extremists for going against world opinion by launching a war without UN authorisation. They did not have the testicles to live up to their own ideals of majority rule (democracy), by subjecting their case to the UN General Assembly vote. What about the lone veto constantly used by the US to support Israeli war crimes, a terrorist nation with extremist views that is engaged in ethnic cleansing of the Palestinians. Is that not an extremist action by the US, as it stems from a minority position?

If the extremist views were a consequence of interpretation, then it implies the views have no connection with the war, mass killings, theft of resources, and the occupation of the Muslim countries. That is absurd. How do you explain the non-Muslims who share the same ‘extremist’ views on those issues? Have they been brainwashed by the Muslim extremists?

Then comes the usual repetition of the events of 7/7 and 9/11, as if they were without any cause, marks the beginning of the history of conflict. What does 9/11 have to do with the UK? If the connection is one of, Americans are the English speaking secular and Christian brothers, then that is also applicable to Muslims in the UK who identify with the oppressed Muslims in occupied lands. As for 7/7, this is a minor event compared to the mass casualties inflicted on the innocent people of Iraq and Palestine.

The British media should know that if you throw a brick through someone’s window, retaliation would naturally follow. It may be considered an extreme view, but it is a logical view, rooted in Judeo-Christian tradition, upheld by all nations. One cannot alter this reality, no matter how many spineless moderates are lined up by the media-gun to force a constant apology. No matter how much you howl terrorism, people can see the real mass terrorism inflicted on people who have done no harm to this country. Madrid and 7/7 had a cause; they were a reaction to the direct and indirect atrocities committed by the British and the Spanish government in Iraq. Until those countries decided to join the Zionist-neo-con driven war, the Muslims have been living peacefully in both countries for decades.

Rather, the British media is engaged in the broadcast of extremist views that causes offence to the millions of Muslims and non-Muslims worldwide. Its militant journalists spread lies and hate, constantly incite violence through justifying war and carnage as self-defence; these heartless journalists write with the ink drawn from the blood of the innocent people in Iraq, Palestine and Afghanistan. They justify the fascist outlook of Blair and his ilk, who thinks killing hundreds of thousand of innocent people, is somehow a noble cause for humanity. However, even Nazis like Adolf Hitler had grounds to fight, after the disproportionate suffering inflicted on Germany through the Treaty of Versailles. What is Blair’s excuse? Is it Iraq’s WMD?

Blair and his henchmen are the real extremists, with extremist views that should be sitting with Radovan Karadzic who is a small criminal in comparison, and they should all be answering for their war crimes.

Yamin Zakaria ( yamin@radicalviews.org)

London, UK

Published on 02/03/2010 

(Indian Prime Minister Manmohan) Singh allays Arab concern - Arab Times

http://arabnews.com/saudiarabia/article23074.ece

Singh allays Arab concern

By ARAB NEWS

Published: Feb 27, 2010 12:45 AM Updated: Feb 27, 2010 4:57 PM

JEDDAH: Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh has said that Arab concern about growing Indo-Israeli defense cooperation is "misplaced."

Last year it was reported that Israel had replaced Russia as India's top supplier of defense equipment. The Indian premier was speaking in a special interview prior to his visit to the Kingdom. He arrives Saturday at the head of one of the most important Indian delegations to visit the Kingdom in years.

"Our relationship with no single country is at the expense of our relations with any other country," he said.

As to India's support for Palestine, it was "an article of faith for us," he added.

"Our solidarity with the people of Palestine predates our independence," he said. "India supports a peaceful solution that would result in a sovereign, independent, viable and united state of Palestine living within secure and recognized borders, with East Jerusalem as its capital, side by side at peace with Israel."

The Arab Peace Plan, the Quartet road map and the various UN Security Council resolutions on the issue were firmly supported by India. He recently confirmed this to Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas during the latter's visit to Delhi a fortnight ago.

The relationship with Saudi Arabia was of prime importance for India, the premier said. Trade was of particular importance. Following the visit of Custodian of the Two Holy Mosques King Abdullah in January 2006 — a visit the Indian premier called a "landmark event" — the two countries have made "considerable" progress in strengthening their relationship, he said. "There have been regular high-level ministerial exchanges as well as intensified interaction among the business community, academia and other sections of society," he explained.

The India-Saudi Arabia Joint Commission that met in November drew up "ambitious" plans, he said, pointing out that trade between the two countries is worth over SR95 billion and that Saudi Arabia is India's fourth largest trading partner. He also pointed to the number of joint ventures involving Indian investors in the Kingdom. This stood at over 500 and was worth over SR7.5 billion. India was equally looking hopefully to greater Saudi investment in the opposite direction, he added.

He hoped his visit would provide ample opportunity for "interacting with the members of the business community in Saudi Arabia and inviting them to be a partner in India's rapid socioeconomic transformation through major infrastructure, energy, industry and services related projects."

The visit would, he revealed, result in several cooperation agreements in economic, cultural, scientific, technological and information technology fields. "I am confident these will further enrich our close relations," he said.

As both countries rapidly modernize, greater cooperation makes sense, he declared.  Both have a "huge stake" in each other's success, and to that extent the relationship is of "strategic importance".

"I would like to see a much greater integration of our economies, higher flow of trade and investment, better connectivity and freer flow of ideas and people," Singh declared.

An important aspect of his visit would be political cooperation, particularly regional security, he said. India and Saudi Arabia "belong to the same extended neighborhood," he explained. "In the Delhi Declaration, we had pledged to work together not just for our bilateral benefit, but also to promote peace, stability and security in the region and the world."

He believed that India and Saudi Arabia had a particular responsibility to ensure peace in the area. "We are witnessing significant geopolitical developments, which will directly impact on the peace and stability in the region," he said. "All these issues need to be addressed through sustained efforts."

Singh said he would talk about regional issues with King Abdullah, and "discuss how we can work together to address the complex issues at hand."

For him terrorism remains "the single biggest threat to peace, stability and to our progress." He indicated a need for closer cooperation to confront it at regional level. All GCC countries, he said, shared India's concerns on extremism and terrorism. In particular, India rejected the idea that "any religion or cause" could be used to justify violence against innocent people.

"We have institutionalized our cooperation with the Gulf countries by putting in place various security cooperation agreements, including extradition treaties," Singh said.

But much more needs to be done, he added. "Given the fact that today extremist and terrorist activities straddle South Asia and West Asia and constitute a grave threat to our peoples, I agree that the SAARC (South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation) and GCC anti-terrorism efforts should be more effectively coordinated."

Sounding a somber but encouraging note on relations with Pakistan, the Indian prime minister said that terrorism was the "primary" issue. "We seek a peaceful and normal relationship with Pakistan," he said. "In that quest we have consistently sought to engage those in Pakistan who are ready to work with us. There is no alternative to dialogue to resolve the issues that divide us."

Taking a conciliatory view, he made it clear that he saw Pakistan as a victim of terrorism too. "As a neighbor, we cannot remain immune to the rise of extremism and terrorism in Pakistan, or on the border of Pakistan and Afghanistan. Extremism and terrorism are major threats not only to India, but also to Pakistan, and all its other neighbors," he said.

It was in the region's collective interest that "we resolutely oppose, resist and overcome terrorism and all those who nurture, sustain and give sanctuary to terrorists and extremist elements."

On the Kashmir issue in particular, he said that India was ready to discuss "all issues" with Islamabad "in an atmosphere free from terrorism" — a statement that could be seen as a precondition. 

The Indian prime minister welcomed King Abdullah's inter-faith initiative and indicated he saw a role for India, which valued "the principles of peaceful coexistence and harmony among nations".  India would, he said, work with all like-minded countries to create a "just and equitable international order that is conducive to meeting the challenges of poverty, illiteracy and hunger."

Indians, he said, well understood and supported the concept of inter-faith dialogue. "The knowledge of religious beliefs and practices of other people is important in itself and can foster greater understanding and tolerance," he said. "We have experience of this in our own country."

Islam is, he said, "an integral part of India's democratic and secular fabric.  Muslims in India are part of our national mosaic and have enriched our society."

Speaking about the welfare of the 1.7 million Indians living and working in the Kingdom, he said it was a matter of "high priority" for his government. The Ministry of Overseas Indian Affairs had, he said,  "worked tirelessly" for the welfare of the Indian community in hand with governments in the Gulf. Arrangements had been put in place to help Indians facing problems, including a 24-hour helpline, temporary shelters, counseling centers and improved community welfare offices at the embassy in Riyadh and the consulate-general in Jeddah.

He indicated, however, that more would have to be done. "We are in the process of reforming our own procedures, including better regulation of the recruitment process."

There are reports of a new Indian initiative planned on this in the next few weeks.

CAN THERE BE ANY MORE CONVINCING PROOF OF HIGH-HANDED DISCRIMINATION AGAINST INDIAN MUSLIMS BY THE SECULAR CONGRESS LED INDIAN GOVERNMENT?

CAN THERE BE ANY MORE CONVINCING PROOF OF HIGH-HANDED DISCRIMINATION AGAINST INDIAN MUSLIMS BY THE SECULAR CONGRESS LED INDIAN GOVERNMENT?

http://www.indianexpress.com/news/rs-4-500-cr-for-dalit-welfare-rs-2-600-cr-for-muslims/585050/0

Rs 4,500 cr for Dalit welfare, Rs 2,600 cr for Muslims

Manoj C G , J.P. YadavTags : dalit welfare, muslims, union budget, indiaPosted: Saturday , Feb 27, 2010 at 0144 hrs
New Delhi:

The Congress’s ongoing drive to win back Dalits and Muslims, evident in general secretary Rahul Gandhi’s visits to Dalit homes and Digvijay Singh’s visit to Azamgarh, found a reflection in the Budget proposals on Friday with an increased allocation of 80 per cent for the Social Justice and Empowerment Ministry and 50 per cent for the Minority Affairs Ministry.

Plan allocation for the Social Justice and Empowerment Ministry, which mainly deals with the welfare of SCs, increased from last year’s Rs 2,500 crore to Rs 4,500 crore while for the Minority Affairs Ministry, which is concerned more with Muslim welfare, the figure rose from Rs 1,740 crore to Rs 2,600 crore. For Bundelkhand, an additional allocation of Rs 1,200 crore was made.

The total plan allocation under different heads meant for the welfare of the SCs increased from Rs 1,788 crore last year to Rs 3,142 crore. Allocation for post-matric scholarship for SC students was more than doubled from Rs 818 crore to Rs 1,675 crore. Though the Ministry also deals with the welfare of OBCs, a small portion of the total allocation is earmarked for the section. That too, however, saw a jump from Rs 218 crore to Rs 413 crore.

Pradhanmantri Adarsh Gram Yojna, the scheme for integrated development of SC-dominated villages in the country, was allocated Rs 388 crore compared to Rs 98 crore in the last Budget. The scheme announced in the last Budget would be taken up as a pilot project in some states, and Uttar Pradesh, where the Congress is eyeing to regain power, figures prominently.

Similarly, for pre-matric scholarships for minorities, the allocation was more than doubled, with the government earmarking Rs 400 crore under this head in comparison to Rs 176.99 crore allocated in the last Budget. Post-matric scholarships and merit-cum-means scholarships saw considerable increase too, with allocation under post-matric scholarships going up to Rs 234 crore from Rs 132 crore. Multi-Sectoral Development Programme for Minorities being implemented in 90 minority-concentrated districts of the country, too, saw a significant jump from Rs 873 crore to Rs 1,223 crore.

“With the much-needed enhancement in allocation, we will now be able to carry out revision in the rates of post-matric scholarships for SCs and OBCs,” said Social Justice and Empowerment Minister Mukul Wasnik.

Asked if the enhanced allocation would help the Congress woo the “Dalit-Muslim” votebank, he said: “The Congress has always been committed to the empowerment of the deprived sections. The enhanced allocation reaffirms our commitment to the deprived sections.”

AIMMM REJECTS BJP PRESIDENT’S SUGGESSION ON BABRI MASJID

---------- Forwarded message ----------
From: syed shahabuddin <syedshahabuddinexmp@gmail.com>

Date: Tue, Feb 23, 2010 at 5:42 PM
Subject: Press Statement

ALL INDIA MUSLIM MAJLIS-E-MUSHAWARAT

[Umbrella body of the Indian Muslim organisations]

D-250, Abul Fazal Enclave, Jamia Nagar, New Delhi-110025 India

Tel.: 011-26946780 Fax: 011-26947346

Email: mushawarat@mushawarat.com Web: www.mushawarat.com

AIMMM REJECTS BJP PRESIDENT’S SUGGESSION ON BABRI MASJID

DEMADS BJP/VHP COMMIT THEMSELVES TO ACCEPT FINAL JUDICIAL VERDICT

New Delhi: 23 February, 2010, Mr. Syed Shahabuddin, President of All India Muslim Majlis-e-Mushawarat, has issued the following statement;

‘The All lndia Muslim Majlis-e-Mushawarat (AIMMM) has taken note of the views of Shri Nitin Gadk`ari, the President of the BJP, on the Babari Masjid Question as well as his appeal to the Muslim community ‘to facilitate the construction of the proposed Ram Temple on the Babari Masjid site’.

Shri. Gadkari being new to the job does not appear to be familiar or conversant with the developments since 1986. Since 1986, and even after 1992, there were several rounds of negotiations with the RJB Movement, the last at the highest level of the Shankaracharya, and all those negotiations failed because the Hindu side insisted on taking the Babari Masjid site and building a Mandir thereon and rejected several compromises offered by the Muslim side, including the construction of Mandir with Ram Chamber as the base next to the Babari Masjid. His suggestion is not new. The VHP and the BJP have both offered to build a ‘magnificent masjid outside Ayodhya’ if the Muslim community surrenders the Babari Masjid & its site. Since then, in total defiance of the law, the BJP organized ‘Kar Seva’, demolished the Babari Masjid and built a makeshift temple covering most of the Masjid.

The Supreme Court ruled in October, 1994 that the Special Bench of the Allahabad High Court should resume hearings on title to the Babari Masjid site & also laid down a road map for the construction of both a Masjid and a Mandir near each other within the Acquired Area. The title suit hearing is nearing completion. The Muslim community at various levels has reiterated its willingness to accept the final judicial verdict, whatever it be. Unfortunately, no leader of the BJP or VHP or the Ramjanmabhumi Nyas has made a parallel commitment to the rule of Law.

The AIMMM would also like to inform Shri Gadkari that according to the tenets of Islam it is the site consecrated for worship which constitutes the essential Masjid and not the structure. Therefore, even after the Demolition the Masjid continues to exist. Also, the Muslim community has repeatedly rejected any substitute for the Babari Masjid.

The AIMMM considers that the Gadkari proposal is meaningless because national interest demands that both sides await the final judicial verdict and accept it without any murmur.’

_________________________________________________________________________________

The Thackerays' primitive charisma By Aakar Patel - LIVEMINT, Mumbai

AAKAR PATEL, A GUJARATI, HAS COME OUT WITH A VERY INFORMATIVE AND INCISIVE ANALYSIS OF THE POLITICS OF SHIV SENA AND ITS REAL IMPACT ON THE CITY OF MUMBAI AND THE STATE OF MAHARASHTRA. IT BRINGS OUT THE ROLE DIFFERENT COMMUNITIES HAVE CHALKED OUT IN THIS MOST COSMOPOLITAN OF ALL INDIAN CITIES. IT FURTHER POINTS TOWARDS THE NEW AREAS OF DEVELOPMENTS THAT HAS BEEN NEGLECTED BY SOME COMMUNITIES AT THEIR OWN LOSSES.

http://www.livemint.com/2010/02/19213129/The-Thackerays8217-primitiv.html

• Posted: Fri, Feb 19 2010. 9:37 PM IST

• Culture

The Thackerays’ primitive charisma

The Senas have nothing constructive to offer Marathis. So what’s their appeal? The Mumbai Marathi, better at renaming things than building something himself, is disinherited from his city, and the Thackerays give him an illusory sense of power

By AAKAR PATEL

Politicians respond to constituencies. Their positions are deliberate.
What is the Thackerays’ constituency? Mumbai’s Marathis, whom the Thackerays speak for.

The cast: (clockwise from top left) Shiv Sena supremo Bal Thackeray (AFP) and his estranged nephew Raj (Rajnish Kakade / Hindustan Times), founder of MNS, together control 42% of Mumbai’s votes (Abhijit Bhatlekar / Mint); and north Indian taxi drivers have had to bear the brunt of their hate campaigns. Hemant Padalkar / Hindustan Times.

Congress does not represent Marathis in Mumbai, and they have surrendered this space politically to the Thackerays. This can be seen in their organizational structure (www.mumbairegionalcongress.org).
Neither the Mumbai regional Congress committee’s president Kripashankar Singh nor its treasurer Amarjit Singh is Marathi.


Of Mumbai Congress’ 18 vice-presidents, 12 are not Marathi. Of its 19 general secretaries, 13 are not Marathi. Of its 13 secretaries, eight are not Marathi. Of its seven executive members, none is Marathi.
Of Congress’s seven members of Parliament from Mumbai, six are not Marathi.


Of its 17 MLAs, 12 are not Marathi. Of its two housing board chairmen, neither is Marathi.
This surrender hasn’t come because Congress does not want Marathi votes, but because it cannot get them. Congress is inclusive by nature and cannot offer Mumbai’s Marathi what the Thackerays can, which is anger and resentment.


When Raj Thackeray left his uncle and launched his party it was inclusive, because he initially read the Mumbai Marathi wrongly. His flag makes space for the green of Muslims and the blue of Dalits. Marathis didn’t find that inclusiveness appealing and his party struggled. But after his calibrated violence against migrants from Uttar Pradesh and Bihar, in which people were killed by his boys, Raj demonstrated his nastiness and Marathis gave him their approval and their vote. Between Raj (24%) and Uddhav (18%), the Thackerays control 42% of Mumbai’s vote, which corresponds to the city’s Marathi population. In the last election, not one opposition seat in the island city of South Mumbai went to Shiv Sena. They all went to Raj after his violence, and that is the reason why Uddhav is currently acting the way he is. The more unhinged the message, the more appealing it is to the Marathi.


Elected to power in 1995, Shiv Sena renamed Bombay. This began the series which has gifted us Chennai, Kolkata and Bengaluru. The Indian’s renaming of his cities is thought to be a positive assertion of identity, but it is actually negritude. Shiv Sena’s renaming did not stop there. It renamed Victoria Terminus (Chhatrapati Shivaji Terminus) and Prince of Wales Museum (Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj Vastu Sangharalaya). Why is the Marathi angry with the British, who gave him his fine city?
The answer is that he isn’t. Those things were renamed because the British are gone and cannot defend themselves. Their property was available for the Marathi to stamp his ownership upon.

So the question is: Why does Mumbai’s Marathi want to assert himself? The answer is that he is disinherited from his city.


Of the 30 companies in Bombay Stock Exchange’s Sensex, the number of those owned by Marathis is zero. Of the 50 on the National Stock Exchange’s Nifty, the number owned by Marathis is zero. The Marathi is quite good at renaming things others built, but at building them himself he’s less able.
Three-fourths of India’s capital transactions happen in Mumbai but the participation of Marathis in this activity is irrelevant. There is a reason for this. If we observe Marathi society we notice the total absence of mercantile castes. Into this space the British imported the multi-religious trading community of Surat—Vohra, Khoja, Luhana, Memon, Jain, Parsi and Vaniya. They control the economy of Mumbai and its capital markets, and occupy the city’s best real estate.


Lower down, space opened up for others with enterprise, like the Bhaiyya, Bihari and Sikh taxi drivers of Mumbai. They are actually very good at their trade, hard-working and honest. Against them, the Marathi displays his valour and, like all Indians, he can be quite brave in a mob.

Face value: (clockwise from top left) Members of a fan club gather outside a multiplex screening of My Name is Khan (Shirish Shete / PTI); the film’s lead actor Shah Rukh Khan returns to the city after the world premiere of the movie (Punit Paranjpe / Reuters); Shiv Sena executive president Uddhav Thackeray at an exhibition of cartoons by his father (Santosh Hirlekar / PTI); and Congress general secretary Rahul Gandhi rides a suburban train on 5 February. Hemant Padalkar / Hindustan Times.

The second big industry in Mumbai is media, especially Bollywood. Bollywood is dominated on the trade side by Punjabis and Sindhis, on the talent side by Punjabis and Urdu-speakers. The participation of Marathis is not of consequence. In some ways it is negative.


If we think about it, popular entertainment can only be produced on the cusp of immorality. Bollywood liberalizes India through its content which slowly pushes that cusp outward. Bollywood is based in Mumbai because it is India’s most liberal city. But the Marathi peasants who now control the state respond to their constituency in the village, which is illiterate and moral. As home minister, R.R. Patil banned this city’s unique dance bars where young women entertained men. Such acts pull the cusp inward.
The Marathi isn’t bothered about My Name is Khan being released, and by itself the matter is irrelevant, but he’s impressed by Thackeray’s ability to make Shah Rukh Khan grovel and to disrupt Bollywood’s business. It reassures him that Marathis control Mumbai.


Shiv Sena’s issues are always those where they can demonstrate to Marathis their ability to block events—we won’t allow Australian players, we won’t allow Valentine’s Day, we won’t let Pakistanis come in and so on. Shiv Sena has nothing constructive to offer Marathis, nor is it expected: Someone else will do all that.



All these events blocked eventually come to pass anyway, because the control is cosmetic, and it wilts when the state decides to apply rule of law. But that moment of theatre—when the media exhibits anguish—produces the spotlight that nourishes the Thackerays. This is the pattern to Shiv Sena’s actions.


It might appear that these actions are irrational, but the Thackerays’ method is cold and reasoned to squeeze out advantage. Witness the discipline of Raj. He works his strategy with great care. On national television he speaks Marathi no matter what language he is questioned in. The Marathi loves this because it reflects his defiance.


There is a second reason why the Thackerays are compelled to make a nuisance of themselves every so often. Unlike other parties, Shiv Sena has a physical presence in neighbourhoods. These offices, run by local toughs, are self-funded, meaning that they approach businesses and residents for “donations”. This activity can be smooth only so long as Shiv Sena radiates menace. The party is not effective if it isn’t feared, and the grass roots reminds the leadership of this.


The Marathi pattern of resentment we have observed is visible elsewhere in time.


India’s nationalist debate a century ago was dominated by the Marathis: Tilak, Gokhale, Agarkar and Ranade. All four were Chitpavan Brahmins, whose members are fair-skinned and unique for their light eyes (like cricketer Ajit Agarkar and model Aditi Govitrikar).


Going against the current noise about Marathi in schools, Chitpavans actually demanded to be educated in English. By 1911—100 years ago—Chitpavans were 63% literate and 19% literate in English. This gave them the edge over other Indians.
All four were on the most influential body in western India of the time, Poona Sarvajanik Sabha. But English education had not exorcized the native instinct. There they unleashed their pettiness on each other. Agarkar and Tilak fought over leadership. Tilak was forced out in 1890 after quarrels over social status and money. Gokhale took his place but was opposed by Tilak who said the job required 2 hours of work daily and so it couldn’t be done by a college principal. Ranade was attacked in Tilak’s newspapers and Gokhale quit in 1895 because he couldn’t work with Tilak’s friends. A jealous Tilak sabotaged the Congress session held in Pune the same year.


When the Gujaratis—Jinnah and Gandhi—entered Congress, they immediately eclipsed the Marathis, because they had the trader’s instinct towards compromise. The Marathi Brahmin’s energy was then channelled into resentment, this time against Muslims.
RSS, founded in 1925, is actually a deeply Marathi organization. Hindutva author Savarkar, RSS founder Hedgewar, the great Golwalkar, his successor Deoras and current sarsanghachalak Mohan Bhagwat are all Marathi Brahmins.


Marathi resentment cuts down its own heroes. The first was Shivaji. Marathi Brahmins refused to crown him though he controlled dozens of forts in the Konkan. This was because he was a peasant from the cultivator caste and not a Kshatriya. He had to invent an ancestry, perform penance and bring in a Brahmin from Kashi before he could crown himself in 1674, with the title Chhatrapati, meaning leader of Kshatriyas.



The second was Ambedkar. A first-rate mind, he is seen by Marathis for his caste. The term “Ambedkarite” refers purely to the Dalit movement. Educated in America unlike Jinnah and Gandhi, he absorbed the pragmatism of John Dewey at Columbia. Ambedkar was methodical, unemotional and persuasive in all that he wrote. Europeans would classify him as an Aristotelian, against the Platonism of Gandhi. When the merchants of Mumbai voted for the city to join Gujarat during the reorganization of states, Ambedkar wrote a response that skewered their claims with finality. He did this without being parochial. He was above his caste, above his community.


Mumbai’s Marathis should be proud to own Ambedkar’s message of a universal civilization, but they cleave to the primitive charisma of the Thackerays instead.


Aakar Patel’s book on the changing world of Indian servants will be published by Random House India in 2011.


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